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ANALYSIS: Will Wike-backed PDP national convention resolve party’s lingering crisis?

In a sense, the Abuja convention is not merely about leadership selection. It is a test of the party’s survival as a viable national force.

byAbdulqudus Ogundapo
March 29, 2026
Reading Time: 3 mins read
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The decision by a faction of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to convene a fresh national convention in Abuja, in compliance with a court ruling that sacked the Kabiru Turaki-led executive, is being projected as a pathway out of the party’s protracted leadership crisis.

The convention, organised by the faction chaired by Abdulrahman Mohammed and backed by the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, anchors its legitimacy on a judicial pronouncement.

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The two-day event, which will be held on Sunday and Monday, during which members of the faction will elect new members of the National Working Committee (NWC) to take over from the Mohammed-led National Caretaker Committee

The Court of Appeal had earlier this month invalidated the Turaki-led NWC, which emerged only in November last year at a convention in Ibadan, Oyo State. The court also asked the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) not to recognise it.

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In principle, the removal of Mr Turaki’s executive created a vacuum, necessitating a new convention to elect fresh leaders in line with the Electoral Act 2026.

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On the surface, therefore, the gathering represents an attempt to restore peace. In reality, however, it risks ushering in a new phase of uncertainty.

Political parties are not governed solely by legal frameworks. Their stability depends largely on consensus among critical stakeholders, including governors, members of the Board of Trustees (BoT), the National Working Committee (NWC), and influential power blocs.

That consensus is clearly lacking. Of the party’s remaining governors, Seyi Makinde and Bala Mohammed, neither is aligned with the faction organising the convention. Yet Mr Wike has insisted the exercise will proceed, regardless of whether reconciliation is achieved.

A few hours before the convention, there is little evidence of meaningful engagement between the rival camps, despite repeated calls by party leaders.

Ini Ememobong, spokesperson for the Turaki faction, told PREMIUM TIMES that his bloc would boycott the exercise, describing it as unconstitutional.

“Absolutely no. We won’t be present at the convention because it’s an accumulation of events. When you look at the basis on which the convention has been established, it doesn’t align with the constitution of our party, so we won’t be attending,” he said.

Mr Ememobong, however, said he’s optimistic that the reconciliation discussion with the warring factions will be fruitful.

“But we’re still hopeful that the reconciliation discussion will go ahead,” he stated.

A few weeks ago, former Senate President Bukola Saraki urged both sides to suspend litigation and prioritise internal reconciliation, warning that prolonged court battles could undermine preparations for the 2027 elections.

That advice appears to have gone unheeded.

Despite signalling openness to dialogue, Mr Turaki’s faction has approached the Supreme Court to challenge its removal, a clear indication that the struggle for control of party structures is far from over.

Unity or escalation?

Two scenarios are likely to emerge from today’s convention.

In the best-case scenario, it might produce a leadership that is sufficiently inclusive to bridge existing divisions. That outcome would require compromise, back-channel negotiations, and a willingness among rival blocs to prioritise party cohesion over factional advantage.

The more likely outcome, however, is escalation.

If the Turaki’s faction rejects the outcome and sustains its legal challenge, the PDP, which once boasted of ruling Nigeria for at least 60 years, could slide into parallel conventions, competing leadership structures, and entrenched distrust.

Such fragmentation would push the party into a deeper institutional crisis, one that could even jeopardise its ability to validly nominate candidates for the 2027 elections.

Lessons from history

The 28-year-old PDP has been here before.

During the 2013 PDP split, a faction of governors and party leaders broke away from the national convention to form the “New PDP” (nPDP), creating a dual centre of power.

The official leadership under Bamanga Tukur faced a breakaway bloc led by Abubakar Baraje, with key figures including Aminu Tambuwal, Rabiu Kwankwaso, Aliyu Wamakko, Murtala Nyako, and Abdulfatah Ahmed, some of whom were governors.

The fallout weakened the PDP significantly. Many members later defected to the APC, contributing to the party’s historic loss in the 2015 presidential election.

The lesson from this history is clear: conventions can resolve disputes, but they can also trigger deeper fragmentation.

What each faction controls

Mr Wike’s influence is strongest among former governors and segments of state party structures. As FCT minister, serving in the APC administration, he also commands significant financial and organisational resources, an advantage in mobilising delegates and executing the convention.

He retains influence within parts of the NWC and party bureaucracy, but not across all organs. Crucially, he lacks the backing of the party’s remaining governors, limiting his claim to broad legitimacy.

The Turaki’s faction, meanwhile, holds a different kind of leverage.

By approaching the Supreme Court, it can seek to invalidate or suspend the convention’s outcome. It is also positioning the exercise as procedurally flawed and exclusionary, an argument that could weaken its acceptance within the party and before INEC.

More importantly, prolonged litigation creates uncertainty, potentially stalling key processes such as candidate nominations.

Implications for 2027

The stakes extend far beyond internal party politics.

As Nigeria’s main opposition platform and a former ruling party, the PDP’s ability to present a credible alternative to the ruling party depends on its internal cohesion.

Failure to reconcile could weaken its electoral competitiveness, erode public confidence, and create space for rival parties or emerging coalitions to occupy the opposition vacuum.

In this sense, the Abuja convention is not merely about leadership selection. It is a test of the party’s survival as a viable national force.

While the exercise may satisfy legal requirements, its true success will be determined politically.

Without broad-based acceptance, the convention risks marking not the resolution of the PDP crisis, but its escalation, transforming internal disagreements into a full-blown struggle for the party’s soul.

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