The massive show of force was a major factor in the abortion of the 4 June march. But also, some labour leaders sided with the junta. They viewed the march as, “unnecessary, unprecedented and a Marxist conspiracy to topple” the government. They lobbied fellow unionists and carried out propaganda against the march. However, for Chiroma, he had commanded the unarmed forces well, courageously stood against dictatorship and, written his name into history books.
Ali Chiroma departed on 2 April. So, I am not writing for him. Rather, I address the youth population to tell them about a man who stood for students interests, defended their right to education and a future.
Chiroma as president of the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) from 1984 to 1988, rejected the commercialisation of education. He also fought the detention of student leaders or their expulsion, as it happened at the Ahmadu Bello University (ABU) in 1985.
Then, on 23 May, 1986, at least four ABU students and some other Nigerians were killed by the police, following a protest. The Chiroma leadership was enraged by what it termed the “display of heartlessness and nonchalance of Professor Ango Abdullahi (the Vice Chancellor) over human lives.” It was also angry by the “fascist-like rationalization of the ABU killings” by Police Commissioner Nuhu Aliyu.
It was particularly infuriated by the refusal of the Babangida regime to comment on the killings, three days after, to console the families of the victims, and pacify the students and the nation.
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When government finally reacted by establishing the Abisoye Panel, and appointed the NLC Scribe, Dr Lasisi Osunde as a member, the NLC declined the offer. Its basis was the unilateral manner of the appointment and the localisation of its investigation to only the ABU crisis. To participate, it demanded the immediate suspension of Professor Abdullahi, Police Commissioner Nuhu Aliyu, the dismissal of Education Minister, Professor Jibril Aminu, and the unconditional release of all detained students. In its reaction, the National Association of Nigerian Students (NANS) directed students not to appear or cooperate with the panel.
The refusal of the regime to meet NLC’s demands led to its Central Working Committee, on 28 May, 1986, declaring Wednesday, 4 June, 1986, as a National Day of Mourning with Nigerian students. The Chiroma leadership instructed that the day was to be observed with peaceful marches throughout the nation and the submission of protest letters to the Military President and governors. Placards, “depicting the deplorable situation in the country”, were to be carried. NLC also directed its state councils to mobilise workers and other social forces for the marches.
Pressures, notwithstanding, led by Chiroma, the coalition of the NLC, ASUU and NANS went ahead to mobilise for 4 June. They distributed leaflets to groups like school children, market traders, religious bodies, women and youth organisations. They addressed press conferences and issued press statements countering government’s intimidation. NLC asserted that, “ban or no ban”, the march will go on, and advised the Inspector General of Police (IGP) to “withdraw the ban.”
The regime viewed the planned demonstration as a declaration of war. Its Chief of General Staff, Commodore Ebitu Ukiwe, angrily declared that the NLC’s decision, “was the most irritating and annoying threat. That Congress has made itself a nuisance almost on every issue… I hope they will not make the mistake of ever … (demonstrating).” The government also declared that it will ensure, with all its might, the enforcement of the ban on public demonstrations. Equally, traditional rulers were mobilised to oppose the march for the sake of ‘peace and unity.’
Even the media joined in bringing pressure to bear on the NLC. The PUNCH, Tribune, New Nigerian and Daily Times expressed disappointment in the NLC’s withdrawal of its Secretary, and the decision to march. The PUNCH of 2 June, 1986, warned that “Enough is Enough”, while the Vanguard of 4 June argued that the march “would have been quite in order if it had evolved as a spontaneous reaction to the revolting incompetence … the crisis was handled.” The Sunday Tribune in its 1 June, 1986 editorial said, “… a mourning march or demonstration, peaceful or un-peaceful, was meaningless, irrelevant to the students’ crisis and therefore, uncalled for… two wrongs never make a right.”
Pressures, notwithstanding, led by Chiroma, the coalition of the NLC, ASUU and NANS went ahead to mobilise for 4 June. They distributed leaflets to groups like school children, market traders, religious bodies, women and youth organisations. They addressed press conferences and issued press statements countering government’s intimidation. NLC asserted that, “ban or no ban”, the march will go on, and advised the Inspector General of Police (IGP) to “withdraw the ban.”
The failure of government to dissuade NLC led it to adopt drastic measures. State Police commissioners met with the IGP. All the General Officers Commanding the Army Divisions met with the Chief of Army Staff. The Military Governors and security chiefs met with the President.
The regime declared that it has “decided to meet the challenge with all the resources at its disposal.” The atmosphere in the State House, according to The Guardian of 8 June, 1986, had “looked like the gathering of war lords pouring over location models and maps, taking stock and deciding what the next move against an aggression would be.” ASUU President, Dr Mahmud Tukur noted that government’s mood “resembled that of a country resisting an invasion or planning to attack another country.”
NANS warned the NLC not to capitulate to government pressures, as “the failure of 4th June would have disastrous consequences for the struggle for fundamental human rights – the most important of which is life – and render the NLC into an irrelevant organisation.”
Chiroma told Nigerians that by “the total mobilisation and series of top level meetings… the intention is clear. That it is an all-out-war, by land, sea and air against unarmed workers… This incommensurate commitment of troops and efforts by government for a peaceful demonstration leaves no one in doubt as its intention to make it bloody.”
The Congress, nevertheless, scaled down the march. With this, representatives of the industrial unions were directed to hold a rally at the Congress’ Secretariat, which would be addressed by Chiroma, and the outcome forwarded to General Babangida. This was to accommodate the capitulationists in the movement and avoid bloodshed.
Chiroma told Nigerians that by “the total mobilisation and series of top level meetings… the intention is clear. That it is an all-out-war, by land, sea and air against unarmed workers… This incommensurate commitment of troops and efforts by government for a peaceful demonstration leaves no one in doubt as its intention to make it bloody.”
Government, even so, saw Chiroma’s statement as “not only confrontational but seditious in content”, and aimed at “generating social and political discontent… (and) instability in the country which is capable of degenerating into chaos and anarchy.”
The fourth of June saw the predawn arrest and detention of major labour leaders; the occupation of NLC secretariats across the country; and the stationing of military tanks in strategic places. In Lagos, Yemi Ogunbiyi of The Guardian wrote that, “a police helicopter was hovering over the city. Armoured tanks took over positions in a few key places and some key government installations were manned in combat readiness. For all intent and purposes, the country was placed in a state of emergency.”
Despite these, the representatives of the 44 industrial unions “defied heavy rain and assembled” in front of the NLC, which itself had been occupied by security forces. The massive show of force was a major factor in the abortion of the 4 June march. But also, some labour leaders sided with the junta. They viewed the march as, “unnecessary, unprecedented and a Marxist conspiracy to topple” the government. They lobbied fellow unionists and carried out propaganda against the march. However, for Chiroma, he had commanded the unarmed forces well, courageously stood against dictatorship and, written his name into history books.
Ahmed Aminu-Ramatu Yusuf worked as deputy director, Cabinet Affairs Office, The Presidency, and retired as General Manager (Admininstration), Nigerian Meteorological Agency, (NiMet). Email: aaramatuyusuf@yahoo.com
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