Nigeria’s current security realities demand bold, innovative, and context-specific solutions. Establishing state police-anchored in strong institutional safeguards and guided by constitutional clarity-represents not merely an option, but an imperative.
Decentralisation of policing is neither novel nor experimental; it is a well-established governance model that has delivered measurable outcomes across diverse jurisdictions. In countries such as the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, decentralised police structures extending to the lowest tiers of government have proven to be effective instruments for addressing security challenges, strengthening intelligence gathering, and institutionalising community policing.
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In the late 1990s, as a young graduate, I had the privilege of coordinating a national constitutional reform platform at the Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD), known as the Citizens’ Forum for Constitutional Reform (CFCR). The Forum maintained coordinators across all thirty-six states of the federation and the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, and undertook extensive consultations with a broad spectrum of stakeholders, including state governments and the private sector.
A clear and overwhelming consensus emerged from those nationwide engagements: the establishment of state police was widely regarded as one of the most viable pathways to ensuring peace and security in Nigeria. The principal reservation, however, centred on the risk of political interference and manipulation. Regrettably, that concern remains salient today. Yet it should not serve as a justification for inaction in a country of over 250 million people grappling with deeply entrenched security challenges.
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A critical review of Nigeria’s security architecture reveals enduring deficiencies in democratic oversight and accountability in the post-military era. While this assessment may be contested, there is little doubt that the politicisation of national intelligence structures has undermined the effectiveness of the country’s security framework. It is in this context that the oft-cited remark attributed to General Sani Abacha that any insurgency lasting beyond 24 hours may have official complicity, continues to resonate. Nigeria’s persistent security crises have, unfortunately, reinforced its global reputation as a case study in systemic security failure. This reality lends further urgency to the growing call for the establishment of state police.
If Nigeria is to confront its escalating insecurity with seriousness and resolve, the creation of state police must move from rhetoric to reality. Concerns about potential abuse of power by state governors as chief security officer of the state, though legitimate, are not insurmountable. With the country’s depth of human capital and institutional experience, it is entirely feasible to design robust safeguards against elite capture and political misuse.
Having resided in Addis Ababa for over a decade, I have observed, firsthand, the operational dynamics of Ethiopia’s policing framework. The coexistence of federal and state police institutions has fostered a sense of security and responsiveness at the community level. State police operate under the authority of state governments, while maintaining functional collaboration with federal counterparts, in a balance that has enhanced overall effectiveness.
That said, Ethiopia’s experience also offers cautionary lessons. Its ethnic federal system extends to defence arrangements, with both federal and regional governments maintaining separate armed forces. This dual structure has proven considerably more complex and, at times, destabilising. While Ethiopia may draw lessons from Nigeria’s more centralised defence architecture, Nigeria, in turn, has much to gain from adopting a decentralised policing model without delay. The current quasi-constitutional security arrangements should give way to a clear and coherent constitutional framework for state policing.
To operationalise state police effectively in Nigeria, the establishment of independent State Police Commissions is essential. These bodies should comprise a diverse range of stakeholders, including representatives of civil society, the private sector, as well as youth and women’s groups. Their mandate should encompass recruitment, appointments, promotions, and disciplinary oversight, thereby insulating the institution from undue political influence.
Furthermore, while state police commands would function with a degree of autonomy, their leadership should remain integrated within a national coordination framework. A Federal Police Council, chaired by the Inspector-General of Police, could provide strategic oversight, ensuring standardisation, accountability, and inter-jurisdictional cooperation.
Nigeria’s current security realities demand bold, innovative, and context-specific solutions. Establishing state police-anchored in strong institutional safeguards and guided by constitutional clarity-represents not merely an option, but an imperative.
John G Ikubaje is the head of the Transitional Justice programme at the African Union Commission, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
