A nation of thieves: The Benin bronzes and Britain’s imperial looting machine, By Hassan Arouni 

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For over a century, Britain has kept what it stole, built museums with the proceeds of imperial looting, and dismissed calls for restitution with arrogance. Oliver Dowden’s suggestion that Nigeria should “share” the Benin Bronzes is not just insulting — it is proof that Britain still believes it has a right to the spoils of empire.

“Perhaps Nigeria should share the Benin bronzes with Britain.”

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This was the brilliant idea of Oliver Dowden, a former UK culture secretary, who seemed to believe that the rightful owners of a stolen treasure should feel grateful for the chance to split it with the thieves. There is an astonishing imperial arrogance in such a statement, but it is not surprising. Britain has never willingly returned what it has stolen — not from Africa, not from Asia, not from the Caribbean, and not from anywhere else in its vast empire of plunder. No seasoned thief gives up their loot unless they are forced to.

The British project — whether through slavery, colonialism, genocide, or economic strangulation — has always been about stealing on a planetary scale. The Benin Bronzes are but a fraction of this stolen wealth, but they hold immense symbolic importance because they represent a test: can Nigeria force Britain’s hand, as it did with BP in the 1970s, or will it remain trapped in the polite, fruitless game of diplomatic requests?

The Story of the Benin Bronzes: Theft in Broad Daylight

To understand the issue at hand, we must first revisit 1897.

The Kingdom of Benin, in what is now southern Nigeria, was a sophisticated, highly organised society with a centuries-old tradition of metalwork. Its artisans crafted thousands of intricate brass plaques, sculptures, and commemorative heads that adorned the Oba’s palace. The Benin Bronzes were not just decorative — they told the history of the kingdom, recorded royal lineage, and represented spiritual and political authority.

That same year, the British launched what they called a “punitive expedition.” In reality, it was an armed robbery on a grand scale. The British, under Admiral Sir Harry Rawson, sent 1,200 soldiers equipped with Maxim guns — the machine guns of their time — to slaughter the people of Benin, burn their city to the ground, and steal everything of value. By the time they were done, the kingdom was in ruins, and at least 4,000 artifacts had been carted away.

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These artifacts were later sold to museums and private collectors across Europe and the United States, with the British Museum keeping the largest share — over 900 pieces. Today, the British Museum, the Pitt Rivers Museum, the Victoria and Albert Museum, and institutions across Germany and the US continue to house these treasures, profiting from their display while paying nothing to the people from whom they were stolen.

And now, in 2025, after more than a century of ownership, Britain still talks about “debating” the return of these objects, as though there were any doubt about who they rightfully belong to.

The British Empire: A Global Crime Syndicate

The theft of the Benin Bronzes was not an isolated incident — it was part of Britain’s long and bloody tradition of economic and cultural looting. To list every act of theft would take volumes, but a few particularly egregious examples illustrate the point:

India and the Koh-i-Noor Diamond: Stolen from India in 1849 and now sitting in the British Crown Jewels. Britain claims it was “gifted” to Queen Victoria — a ludicrous claim given that it was handed over under extreme duress after the brutal annexation of the Punjab.

The Elgin Marbles: Stripped from the Parthenon in Greece by Lord Elgin in the early 19th century. Greece has been demanding their return for decades, but Britain continues to cling to them.

Māori Human Remains: The Natural History Museum in London still holds the tattooed heads and bones of indigenous Māori people, taken during Britain’s colonial rule in New Zealand.

The Great Bengal Famine: In 1943, as millions of Indians starved to death due to British policies that diverted food to British troops and stockpiles, Winston Churchill remarked: “I hate Indians. They are a beastly people with a beastly religion.” To this day, Britain refuses to acknowledge its responsibility for the three million deaths.

The list goes on. From Nigeria to Kenya, from Malaysia to the Caribbean, Britain plundered, pillaged, and profited — leaving behind destruction while portraying itself as a civilizing force.

The Big Stick: How Nigeria Can Force Britain’s Hand

Nigeria has been asking for the return of the Benin Bronzes for decades. But the British Museum and other institutions have played their usual game — delays, excuses, and condescending arguments about Nigeria’s ability to take care of its own heritage.

As history shows, Britain does not respond to requests. It responds to force — political, economic, or reputational. Here are a few strategies Nigeria could employ to make Britain surrender its stolen treasures:

1. Economic Warfare – Hit British Interests Where It Hurts

In 1979, Nigeria nationalised British Petroleum’s (BP) assets as punishment for Britain’s support of apartheid Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe). The move caused economic chaos for BP and played a role in shifting British policy towards Zimbabwean independence.

Nigeria could take a similar approach today. British companies still have significant investments in Nigeria — Shell, BP, Unilever, and Diageo (which owns Guinness Nigeria) all rely on Nigerian markets and resources. If Nigeria imposed targeted economic sanctions, revoked favourable contracts, or threatened nationalisation, Britain would feel real pressure.

2. Cultural Boycott – Ban British Museums from Nigerian Partnerships

Many British museums depend on international collaboration for exhibitions, loans, and research projects. Nigeria could announce a complete boycott of British institutions until all looted artifacts are returned. No Nigerian artifacts should be loaned to British museums — if they want to study or display African culture, they should return what they stole first.

3. Legal Action – Take Britain to International Courts

While Britain has historically ignored international rulings, Nigeria could still file lawsuits in international courts demanding restitution. Even if Britain refuses to comply, the legal pressure would add to its growing reputational damage.

4. Diplomatic Pressure – Build an African Coalition

Nigeria is not the only country demanding restitution. Ethiopia wants the return of manuscripts looted by the British Army in 1868. Ghana wants the Asante gold taken by British troops in the 19th century. Egypt wants the Rosetta Stone. Nigeria could spearhead an African coalition demanding mass repatriation of stolen artifacts, increasing diplomatic pressure on Britain and its institutions.

5. Information Warfare – Expose Britain’s Ongoing Theft

Nigeria should launch a full-scale media campaign exposing Britain’s refusal to return stolen artifacts. Every time a British official visits Nigeria, they should be publicly confronted about the Benin Bronzes. Every international summit should include Nigerian officials calling out Britain’s hypocrisy. The goal is simple: embarrass Britain into action.

Conclusion: No More Pleas, Time for Action

For over a century, Britain has kept what it stole, built museums with the proceeds of imperial looting, and dismissed calls for restitution with arrogance. Oliver Dowden’s suggestion that Nigeria should “share” the Benin Bronzes is not just insulting — it is proof that Britain still believes it has a right to the spoils of empire.

But history shows that Britain only returns stolen property when it is forced to. Nigeria has the tools to apply that force — economic, legal, diplomatic, and cultural. The question is: will Nigeria wield the big stick, or will it continue playing Britain’s game?

The Benin Bronzes belong in Benin. Not in London. Not in Oxford. And certainly not in a country that built its wealth on theft.

Hassan Arouni is a broadcast journalist with the BBC.