In the last two years, President Bola Tinubu’s foreign policy decisions have been centred on economic diplomacy, beginning with domestic reforms such as the removal of the fuel subsidy and the unification of the foreign exchange windows, which aligned with his persistent international message that the country is “open for business.”
This contrasts with his predecessor, who pursued a more security-driven policy.
For example, former President Muhammadu Buhari opened his official international trips in 2015 by visiting Niger and Chad to seek support in addressing the Boko Haram insurgency. The crisis was topical in his 2015 campaign.
On the other hand, Mr Tinubu’s first official trip was to France for a New Global Financing Pact hosted by French President Emmanuel Macron.
While insecurity persists in West Africa, President Tinubu appears to be more focused on bilateral relations aimed at economic growth. He has also emphasised promoting democratic order in the region and global south alliances.
The Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mohammed Tuggar, anchored President Tinubu’s foreign policy on a “4Ds doctrines,” which are Democracy, Development, Demography, and Diaspora.
However, critics say this vision is poorly articulated. According to some analysts, the administration has merely rebranded Nigeria’s constitutional foreign policy responsibilities, substituting clarity with slogans.
Meanwhile, Nigeria, once known for its radical Afrocentric policy, has been either quiet or indecisive on key regional and global issues.
This report outlines some of Mr Tinubu’s foreign policy decisions since he assumed office two years ago.
ECOWAS, regional stability

A defining feature of Mr Tinubu’s foreign policy has been his stance against military coups in West Africa.
He assumed office amid a wave of military takeovers in West Africa and had vowed to restore peace and stability in the region. So, when the Niger presidential guard, led by Abdourahamane Tchiani, toppled the democratically elected President Mohamed Bazoum in July 2023, Mr Tinubu was swift in condemning the coup.
As the chair of ECOWAS, he rallied leaders to demand constitutional order, imposed sanctions, and threatened military intervention.
This approach, however, only drove the neighbouring country into an alliance with the two other junta-led states, Mali and Burkina Faso. The three countries pulled out of ECOWAS and established the Alliance for Sahel States (AES). In January 2025, the three countries officially exited ECOWAS.
This was despite ECOWAS’ switch from threats and sanctions to diplomatic engagement. Mr Tinubu had appointed Senegalese President Bassirou Faye and Togolese President Faure Gnassingbé as special envoys to lead negotiations with the military-led governments of the three countries.
Earlier that year, Mr Tinubu had sent a delegation comprising Nigeria’s Minister of Defence Abubakar Badaru, Foreign Affairs Minister Yusuf Tuggar, and ECOWAS Commission President Omar Touray to engage with the governments of Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso. The countries, however, remained unyielding.
Niger pulled out of the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF), an international force fighting armed Islamist groups in West Africa’s Lake Chad region, while Burkina Faso’s military ruler, Ibrahim Traoré, benefits from the use of AI-driven social media campaigns and propaganda to garner domestic and regional support.
One such campaign, documented by DAIDAC, showed how TikTok influencers glamorised authoritarian rule. This is a trend that is gaining traction among West African youths.
Tinubu’s switch from sanctions to diplomacy came too late to change the tide.

Nigeria’s quietness in regional conflicts
Meanwhile, Nigeria appears to have become passive in addressing conflicts across the continent. Nigeria’s traditional role as a continental peacekeeping leader and regional stabiliser has steadily declined over the years and appears to have reached a standstill under the current administration.
Historically, Nigeria played a leading role in restoring peace and security on the continent. It did this during the first and second Liberian civil wars. It also did this during Sierra Leone’s civil war. It also played a significant role in South Africa’s fight against apartheid, hosting ANC leaders and financing the movements against apartheid.
In recent years, however, Nigeria has paid more attention to issues within ECOWAS, a trend Mr Tinubu appears to have continued with.
Nigeria has not taken any strong position on the conflict between Congo and Rwanda-backed M23 rebel groups or attempted to mediate between the countries. The country has also not played any significant role in Sudan’s civil war, which broke out in 2023.
According to Babafemi Badejo, a foreign policy analyst, the current foreign policy landscape has failed to translate into decisive regional influence, especially regarding crises within the continent.
Mr Badejo, a former professor of Political Science and International Relations at Chrisland University, said, “The relevance of Nigeria has been waning since our troops became largely needed for the intractable Boko Haram problem. Nigeria started withdrawing its active participation in peacekeeping since the Jonathan era and now contributes marginally.”
He explained that the reason given for this is Nigeria’s financial and economic challenges.
“The excuse does not cut it, if we could afford over 600 imported SUVs for members of NASS, subsidise religious pilgrims to the sum of N79 billion, build and refurbish buildings for the President and Vice-President, and procure new jets for the presidency,” he stated.
Appointment of ambassadors
Two years into his administration, Mr Tinubu has yet to appoint ambassadors. This delay has left key diplomatic posts vacant and has made the country quieter on the global stage.
Without providing any specific reason, the president recalled the former ambassadors in September 2023, including 41 non-career and 42 career diplomats. Nigeria has 109 missions abroad, comprising 76 embassies, 22 high commissions and 11 consulates.
His spokesperson at the time, Ajuri Ngalele, argued that the decision to recall ambassadors was reached after a “careful study” of the present state of affairs at Nigerian consulates and embassies worldwide.
Since then, consuls-general and chargés d’affaires have been handling diplomatic functions. However, they lack the full authority and access of ambassadors, especially when it comes to high-level negotiations, political representation, and formal diplomatic ceremonies.
This delay seems to replicate what was obtainable in the previous administration, where ambassadorial postings were not finalised until after two years.
However, the Tinubu administration has attributed the delay to the time-consuming nature of such appointments. But across the world, countries often fast-track critical diplomatic postings to ensure continuity in foreign relations.
In an exclusive interview with PREMIUM TIMES, Foreign Affairs Minister Yusuf Tuggar said his ministry forwarded ambassadorial nominations to President Bola Tinubu a year ago.
However, the president has been occupied with economic reforms and other state matters, causing a delay in the appointments, he said.
But Mr Badejo argued that delaying the appointment of key career or non-career ambassadors “expected to facilitate diplomatic relations, for whatever reason, is already a failure.”
Trade relations
In the absence of ambassadors, the president and his team, especially the foreign affairs minister, have had to take a more direct role in diplomacy.
Mr Tinubu has made numerous foreign trips since taking office in May 2023.
In the first year, he took about 20 foreign trips, and in his second year, he took around 15, bringing the total number of international trips undertaken in the last two years to about 35.
France has been his top destination so far. Some of these trips have been for seeking bilateral and multilateral partnerships.
Mr Tinubu has consistently emphasised attracting Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), and telling the global community, especially during visits to France, India, the US and Saudi Arabia, that Nigeria is ready for private-sector-led growth.
Speaking on the president’s frequent foreign trips, Femi Mimiko, a professor of Political Science at the Obafemi Awolowo University, described the president’s pursuit of improved bilateral relations with other countries within and outside Africa as a policy orientation that takes cognisance of the country’s domestic realities.
He also described the increased engagement with France as a realistic policy outlook predicated on the country’s core interests.
According to him, it is beneficial for the country to take advantage of the growing distance between France and its former colonies in the Sahel region.
He tagged this policy orientation as “playing the Sahel card.”
“Nigeria should be taking advantage of the space being vacated by countries in the Sahel, such as Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, and that is precisely what the Tinubu administration is doing,” he said.
“This is from the perspective of a realist,” he added. “We are not talking of morality or admonitions here, but what the core interests of Nigeria dictate at this point.
“And what the country’s core interests dictate in the current circumstances is further collaboration with France, to enable Nigeria to deepen its economic relations with, and thus benefit more from, Paris. That, I can see, is precisely what the Tinubu administration is doing.”
Other deals
Mr Tinubu is also pursuing stronger economic ties with China.
During his visit to China in September 2024, the president signed bilateral deals with the Chinese government and various Chinese companies focused on improving the national rail transport system, digital literacy, agricultural production, and national security.
Also, in April 2024, the Netherlands announced the investment of $250 million in Nigeria and a $100 million investment in a waste-to-wealth industrial facility in Lagos State.
In a move to deepen Nigeria’s economic diplomacy, the federal government formally gazetted its Preferential Tariff Concessions under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) in April 2025, becoming the 23rd country to do so.
Also, in January, Nigeria became an official partner in the BRICS economy and political bloc. The development grants the country access to finance offered by the BRICS New Development Bank and opens new avenues for expanding relations and trade partnerships with member nations.
Other trips
Not all of President Tinubu’s foreign trips were for diplomatic engagements. Some were for medical reasons, which triggered public reaction, with some citizens criticising the government for failing to develop the country’s health system, while its officials embarked on international trips for medical care.
The trips are viewed as a continuation of the medical visits he undertook before assuming office. Shortly before his inauguration, the 73-year-old Nigerian leader travelled to the American Hospital of Paris in Neuilly-sur-Seine for a medical checkup.
In the last two years, France has been Mr Tinubu’s top destination (for both official and unofficial functions), which he visited six times: twice in his first year and four times in the second year of his administration.
The United Kingdom is another top destination. The president has visited the UK four times in total, often for a “working vacation.”
According to Statisense, Mr Tinubu spent one in every four days of his first year in office outside Nigeria, a significantly higher rate than former President Muhammadu Buhari, who spent one in every eight days abroad during his first year. This includes both official and unofficial trips.
However, many Nigerians are not convinced that the president’s trips, including the official ones, have been worth it.
Mr Badejo told PREMIUM TIMES that there’s a decline in FDI inflows despite increased “private jet diplomatic outreach.”
“Figures suggest that investor confidence remains low, likely due to Nigeria’s unstable macroeconomic conditions, currency volatility, and insecurity. Hence, the diplomatic outreach has not translated into tangible domestic economic benefits,” the don said.
Addressing Trump’s policies

Since the start of the year, the Nigerian government has also had to deal with the new US policies initiated by President Donald Trump.
From the suspension of humanitarian assistance to the imposition of tariffs, the deportation of illegal migrants and the potential travel ban, these policies have either created tension in the country or directly impacted citizens.
As PREMIUM TIMES previously reported, the suspension of US foreign assistance disrupted several activities in Nigeria’s health sector. Many non-governmental organisations were forced to halt operations. USAID-funded community health workers were recalled from remote areas. Intervention programmes were abruptly suspended, leaving vulnerable populations without essential services.
READ ALSO: Tinubu to attend ECOWAS 50th anniversary, inaugurate projects in Lagos
In response, the Tinubu-led administration made efforts to bridge the funding gap. First, it announced plans to produce HIV-related medical tools locally and then approved $1.07 billion for the healthcare sector reforms and N4.8 billion for HIV treatment.
Shortly after, an additional N300 billion was allocated to the health sector. But these efforts, while commendable, remain modest compared to the scale of annual US health funding previously received. It also pledged to enrol thousands of health workers in rural areas, formally paid by the USAID, into the government’s payroll system.
Also, when the US imposed a 10 per cent “minimum baseline tariff” and another 14 per cent reciprocal tariff on Nigerian goods, the federal government began considering a reset of its economic strategy, including a review of key 2025 budget assumptions.
The goal, according to officials, was to cushion the impact of the levies on Nigeria’s $6 billion annual export.
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