If there was ever a time to speak the truth and balance the narratives on the banditry and kidnapping ravaging Adara and Kuturmi communities, the aftermath of the Ariko community security breach, which claimed six lives and recorded 37 abductions, has created the perfect opportunity. Section 14(2)(b) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), provides that “the security and welfare of the people shall be the primary purpose of government.” However, the government cannot fulfill this responsibility alone or in isolation. Lasting security can only be achieved through a concerted effort between the government and the governed.
Across several Adara and Kuturmi communities in Kajuru and Kachia LGAs, insecurity has persisted as a major social crisis since 2015. Many communities have come under repeated attacks, often resulting in deaths, abductions, and displacement of residents. During the administration of Nasir El-Rufai, these attacks at times assumed genocidal dimensions, with assailants targeting entire communities for mass killings, maiming, and destruction. The abduction and subsequent murder of the late Agom Adara, Dr Maiwada Galadima (despite payment of ransom), and the mass killings and displacements in Kasuwan Magani, Gonan Rogo, and the Kachia general area, among other examples, are a testament to this reality.
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Today, however, the pattern has largely shifted to kidnapping for ransom, with relatively fewer fatalities, usually involving victims who attempt to resist. There are, admittedly, signs of progress. Some previously displaced communities are gradually returning home, while others, where schools were shut and farming and business activities disrupted, are beginning to experience relief. To present a clearer picture: as of May 29, 2023, over 130 Adara communities had been displaced. That number had reduced to about 74 by the end of the first quarter of 2026, with an additional 16 communities — mostly along the Kurutu–Madaki Kurutu axis — recently recovered from bandits following coordinated raids by the gallant men and women of the Nigerian security forces. These gains, no doubt, reflect the impact of the Uba Sani peace model in Kaduna State.
Yet, a major setback remains: the failure of many Adara and Kuturmi communities to galvanize their internal front. Whether in Maro, Kurmin Wali (Kajuru LGA), or in many parts of Kachia, troubling patterns have emerged. In some cases, communities have become collaborators with bandits rather than partners with government. Both young and old have reportedly acted as informants, aiders, abettors, and even harbourers of criminal elements.
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There is credible evidence that some locals have progressed from informants to commanders of bandit groups, working alongside criminal elements to terrorize and kidnap their own people for ransom. The case of Jethro Bala (now known as Kachalla Buba) is one sad tale that will continue to dominate discussions about banditry and the role of locals.
In addition, over 20 Adara communities, including Mai Ido, Paci, Isemen, Aburon, Yelwa, Gabachuwa, Impi Kadara, Kabode, Chibia, and Sakwai, have reportedly signed peace pacts with bandits. The terms of these pacts involve providing refuge, support, and information on targets, as well as on the activities of security agencies, including in neighbouring villages that have refused to enter similar agreements.
Sadly, while this reality is widely known among Adara and Kuturmi people, including segments of the educated elite, many have chosen silence. Others who speak out often do so in ways that are politically sensational rather than genuinely patriotic.
The menace of internal collaborators — those who enable bloodshed and perpetuate cycles of abduction — cannot be addressed through social media activism alone, nor through misplaced attacks on current administrations at the local, state, and federal levels, as has been the case in Kachia/Kajuru. Communities such as Kauru, Kaura, Zangon Kataf, and even Birnin Gwari have made measurable progress by prioritising collective internal action against these “enemies within,” rather than engaging in unproductive blame of government.
This approach has helped reduce banditry and weaken criminal networks. There is, therefore, an urgent need to reassess our collective strategy for ending this crisis. Adara and Kuturmi communities must be willing to unite and take difficult but necessary steps, including identifying and handing over individuals within their ranks who have turned criminality into an enterprise.
Both President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and Governor Uba Sani have demonstrated the political will to support community-driven security initiatives. This presents a critical opportunity. Our people must seize it and make the most of it. An urgent security summit should be convened to develop practical frameworks for broad-based community action against informants and bandits, while strengthening collaboration with government.
Every individual, regardless of political affiliation, must commit to supporting and advancing this initiative. After more than a decade, media posturing and performative outrage have failed to deliver meaningful results, serving mainly to elevate the profiles of a few self-proclaimed advocates such as Alheri Magaji, Reuben Buhari, and their sympathizers. It is time to change course and embrace the promise of collective action and effective collaboration with government — an approach embodied in the Uba Sani peace model — as the surest path to lasting peace and security. Indeed, secure and bandit-free Kachia and Kajuru LGAs will entrench peace and stimulate economic development across Southern Kaduna and Kaduna State at large.
*The author, Prince Kevin Bulus Bahago Kufana is a historian and community youth leader who writes from Kufana, Kajuru LGA of Kaduna State.
