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Why the UN’s slave trade resolution matters now more than ever, By Oluwaseun Tella

The resolution goes beyond recognition. It calls on states implicated in the slave trade to issue formal apologies, return stolen artefacts, contribute to reparations, and commit to non repetition.

byOluwaseun Tella
April 14, 2026
Reading Time: 5 mins read
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The trans-Atlantic slave trade. Image credit: Lacommunis.

Whether this moment leads to substantive change remains to be seen. But one thing is clear. The past is no longer being quietly archived. It is being actively contested, reinterpreted, and, increasingly acknowledged. In that sense, the resolution is not an endpoint but a beginning, a call to confront uncomfortable truths and to imagine a more just global future.

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On 25 March, the United Nations General Assembly took a historic step by recognising the transatlantic slave trade as “the gravest crime against humanity.” The resolution (A/80/L.48) passed with the support of 123 member states, while the United States, Israel, and Argentina voted against it, and 52 countries including the United Kingdom and several European Union members abstained. Championed by Ghana, with strong backing from the African Union, the resolution reflects a growing global momentum around historical justice and reparations.

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The vote is as symbolic as it is political. It does not create legal obligations, as General Assembly resolutions, unlike those of the UN Security Council, are not binding. Yet, they carry the moral authority of global consensus. In this case, that consensus is unmistakable. The transatlantic slave trade is not merely a regrettable chapter in history. It is a defining crime whose consequences continue to shape the modern world.

The resolution goes beyond recognition. It calls on states implicated in the slave trade to issue formal apologies, return stolen artefacts, contribute to reparations, and commit to non repetition. These demands echo the African Union’s 2025 theme, “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations,” underscoring how Africa and its diaspora are increasingly asserting their claims on the global stage.

Leaders did not mince words. Ghana’s president, John Dramani Mahama, framed the vote as a moral turning point, emphasising the need to honour the memory of millions who suffered and those who still endure racial discrimination. Similarly, UN Secretary General António Guterres described the slave trade as a “deep betrayal of human dignity.” These statements reflect a broader shift. The language of diplomacy is beginning to align more closely with the language of justice.

Yet, the divisions exposed by the vote are equally telling. Western resistance to reparations remains entrenched. Critics argue that contemporary states cannot be held accountable for actions that occurred centuries ago. The UK’s ambassador to the UN, James Kariuki, cautioned against elevating one historical atrocity above others, while US envoy Dan Negrea reiterated Washington’s long standing position that there is no legal basis for reparations for acts that were not illegal at the time they were committed.

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These arguments, however, sidestep a crucial point. The transatlantic slave trade was not an isolated historical event but a foundational pillar of the modern global economy. Understanding its scale and brutality is essential to appreciating why demands for reparative justice persist.

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The drivers of this system were economic. European colonial powers, expanding plantation economies in the Americas, required vast amounts of labour to produce commodities such as sugar, cotton, and tobacco. Initial attempts to enslave indigenous populations proved unsustainable due to disease and high mortality rates. Africans, many from agrarian societies and accustomed to tropical climates, were deemed more suitable; a dehumanising calculus that reduced human beings to units of labour.

Beginning in the early 16th century, the transatlantic slave trade forcibly displaced millions of Africans across the Atlantic. Between 1529 and 1850, approximately 12 million Africans were captured and shipped to the Americas. Only about 10 million survived the infamous Middle Passage. This was the largest forced migration in human history prior to the 20th century. At its peak in the late 18th century, as many as 80,000 individuals were transported annually.

The drivers of this system were economic. European colonial powers, expanding plantation economies in the Americas, required vast amounts of labour to produce commodities such as sugar, cotton, and tobacco. Initial attempts to enslave indigenous populations proved unsustainable due to disease and high mortality rates. Africans, many from agrarian societies and accustomed to tropical climates, were deemed more suitable; a dehumanising calculus that reduced human beings to units of labour.

The trade quickly evolved into a global enterprise involving European powers such as Portugal, Britain, France, Spain, and the Netherlands. African intermediaries also played roles, often capturing individuals through warfare or raids, and exchanging them for goods, including firearms. This created the so called “gun slave cycle,” in which violence fuelled supply, and supply fuelled further violence.

The human cost was staggering. Captives were marched over long distances, sometimes more than 1,000 miles, to coastal forts, where they were held in appalling conditions before being packed onto ships. Mortality rates during these journeys were devastating. For instance, of the more than four million Africans taken to the Caribbean, hundreds of thousands died before arrival. Similar patterns occurred in Brazil and North America, underscoring the lethal brutality of the system.

The demographic and cultural consequences were profound. Approximately 95 per cent of enslaved Africans were sent to Latin America and the Caribbean, with Brazil and the Caribbean receiving the largest shares. Only about 5 per cent were taken to what is now the United States, though their descendants would later play a central role in global struggles for civil rights and racial justice.

Across the Americas, African diasporic communities emerged under vastly different conditions. In the United States, rigid systems of racial segregation developed, while in Brazil the myth of racial democracy masked deep inequalities. In the Caribbean, African descended populations often became the majority, shaping cultures that remain deeply rooted in African traditions. These diasporas were not passive victims. They were active agents which forged new identities, resisted oppression, and laid the intellectual foundations for movements such as Pan Africanism.

Opponents often frame reparations as impractical or divisive. But this perspective overlooks the fact that the wealth generated by slavery helped to build modern Western economies, while its costs were borne disproportionately by African societies and their descendants. The legacy of this imbalance is evident in persistent global inequalities.

Indeed, the Caribbean’s centrality to the slave trade made it a crucible of political thought. From this region emerged thinkers and activists, including Marcus Garvey, George Padmore, Henry Sylvester Williams, and CLR James, who would later influence global struggles against colonialism and racism. The legacies of slavery are therefore not confined to the past. They are embedded in contemporary social, political, and economic structures.

This is precisely why the question of reparations refuses to fade. For many in Africa and the diaspora, reparations are not simply about financial compensation. They are about recognition, accountability, and structural redress. They seek to address enduring inequalities rooted in centuries of exploitation.

Opponents often frame reparations as impractical or divisive. But this perspective overlooks the fact that the wealth generated by slavery helped to build modern Western economies, while its costs were borne disproportionately by African societies and their descendants. The legacy of this imbalance is evident in persistent global inequalities.

The March resolution does not resolve these debates, nor does it compel action. What it does is shift the moral terrain. By formally recognising the transatlantic slave trade as the gravest crime against humanity, the international community has taken a step toward a more honest reckoning with history.

Whether this moment leads to substantive change remains to be seen. But one thing is clear. The past is no longer being quietly archived. It is being actively contested, reinterpreted, and, increasingly acknowledged. In that sense, the resolution is not an endpoint but a beginning, a call to confront uncomfortable truths and to imagine a more just global future.

Oluwaseun Tella is director, Centre for African Diplomacy and Leadership, University of Johannesburg.

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