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Why Trump’s second term need not signal doom for climate action, By Mohammed Dahiru Aminu

As we look ahead, even with Trump in the White House, the world can draw hope from the resilience, ingenuity and unity that have characterised the fight against climate change thus far.

byPremium Times
January 28, 2025
Reading Time: 4 mins read
0
President Donald Trump

Long-term initiatives, such as the European Green Deal or China’s 2060 carbon neutrality goal, are indicators that the structural changes driving global climate progress cannot be easily undone. The global climate movement, driven by scientific consensus, economic incentives and public awareness, has reached a point of no return and so the future of the planet does not hinge on one administration but on the collective determination of humanity to combat climate change and secure a sustainable future.

As a climate change professional with a decade of experience, beginning with my doctoral research on carbon capture and storage to my current science-to-policy work on climate change mitigation, I often face questions about the implications of Donald Trump’s return to the White House for climate change. Trump’s well-documented denial of climate change understandably raises concerns, but I argue that the climate action movement has evolved into a resilient global force that will endure and thrive, even under Trump’s administration. Of course, Trump’s “drill baby drill” rhetoric suggests a renewed emphasis on fossil fuel extraction, but the momentum for climate action is rooted in powerful economic, technological and political factors that outstrip the influence of any single leader. For example, US state-level initiatives like California’s cap-and-trade programme and international commitments such as the EU’s Green Deal, have shown how sustained policies and global collaboration mitigate the potential negative impacts of such rhetoric. In this essay, I outline why the future of climate action remains hopeful and why Trump’s second term need not spell disaster for the planet.

One of the strongest arguments for optimism lies in the economic investments already made by major oil companies and other stakeholders in clean energy and renewable technologies. These companies are not merely reacting to political trends but are positioning themselves for long-term profitability in a world increasingly focused on sustainability. Oil companies are diversifying their portfolios by incorporating renewable energy technologies and exploring unconventional resources. For example, ExxonMobil has invested heavily in algae biofuels research, BP has committed to transitioning into an integrated energy company and Shell has become a leader in electric vehicle charging infrastructure. And during a recent professional development programme in Texas, I visited a landfill repurposed as a site for energy production, where a major oil company was actively extracting methane and carbon dioxide. This only shows how even traditional energy companies are embracing cleaner technologies and may signal how Trump’s “drill baby drill” would now include innovative drilling practices aimed at sustainability, rather than solely extracting crude oil.

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Entrepreneurs and corporations also recognise that aligning with clean energy initiatives is vital for survival and growth. Companies like Tesla, under Elon Musk, an ally of Trump, have demonstrated that renewable energy can be both lucrative and revolutionary. There is strong optimism that market forces will continue to drive businesses to invest in renewable energy, electric vehicles and other climate-friendly technologies, regardless of Trump’s stance, and reversing these investments would be prohibitively expensive and shortsighted for companies operating on a global scale. Climate action is no longer a temporary trend but a structural shift in how businesses approach energy production and consumption. In addition to corporate momentum, the unique autonomy of US state governments provides another reason for optimism. States like California, New York and Washington have enacted robust climate policies that are unlikely to be reversed, regardless of federal leadership. California’s ambitious cap-and-trade programme, New York’s commitment to achieving 70 per cent renewable energy by 2030 under its Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act, and Washington’s Clean Energy Transformation Act, all exemplify the localised efforts driving climate progress. Even during Trump’s first term, states played a critical role in maintaining climate leadership, with California strengthening its cap-and-trade programme and forging international partnerships.

Interestingly, Trump’s denial of climate change may not be as absolute as it appears. The Trump administration’s interest in acquiring Greenland, for example, could hint at a tacit acknowledgment of climate realities. The melting ice caps, driven by global warming, could make Greenland’s resources more accessible and an economically advantageous prospect that Trump likely considered.

Internationally, Trump’s withdrawal from the Paris Agreement during his first term was a setback but this did not derail global climate action. The EU intensified its climate commitments by adopting the Green Deal, and China continued progress toward its 2060 carbon neutrality goal, suggesting the global community’s ability to adapt and compensate for the US’ temporary disengagement. In many sectors, financial resources for climate action have already been mobilised, with international organisations, NGOs and donor networks ensuring the momentum for climate action persists, regardless of US federal policies. Technological advancements in climate solutions add another layer of resilience. Carbon capture and storage, hydrogen technologies and renewable energy systems are no longer experimental ideas but proven strategies ready for large-scale deployment. These technologies serve as “bridge solutions” that would enable a gradual transition to cleaner energy systems, without abandoning fossil fuels overnight. Historical energy transitions, such as the shift from coal to oil or oil to natural gas, unfolded over decades. Similarly, the transition to cleaner energy sources will likely span generations, with fossil fuels and renewables coexisting in a balanced energy mix during this period. Innovations like cleaner drilling technologies and enhanced carbon sequestration will mitigate the environmental impact of fossil fuel use during this transition.

Interestingly, Trump’s denial of climate change may not be as absolute as it appears. The Trump administration’s interest in acquiring Greenland, for example, could hint at a tacit acknowledgment of climate realities. The melting ice caps, driven by global warming, could make Greenland’s resources more accessible and an economically advantageous prospect that Trump likely considered. This pragmatic, albeit opportunistic, approach only speaks to the inevitability of climate considerations, even in policies driven by denial. Civil society organisations, NGOs, and think tanks will also remain steadfast in their commitment to climate action. Groups like Greenpeace, the World Resources Institute and the Climate Action Network, etc., all exemplify resilience in the face of shifting political landscapes. Also, many philanthropic organisations anticipated Trump’s potential return to power and had planned accordingly to ensure financial and organisational resources for climate initiatives endure. This could mean that legal defences of existing climate laws, to be championed by these groups, are likely to intensify under the new Trump administration to safeguard progress against potential rollbacks.

This critical moment for climate action will not be defined by Trump’s denial but by the opportunity to prove that the movement’s strength lies beyond the influence of any single leader. As we look ahead, even with Trump in the White House, the world can draw hope from the resilience, ingenuity and unity that have characterised the fight against climate change thus far.

Finally, it is important to remember that Trump’s presidency, like many democratic administrations, is limited to four years, which is a relatively short period in the broader timeline of climate action. Long-term initiatives, such as the European Green Deal or China’s 2060 carbon neutrality goal, are indicators that the structural changes driving global climate progress cannot be easily undone. The global climate movement, driven by scientific consensus, economic incentives and public awareness, has reached a point of no return and so the future of the planet does not hinge on one administration but on the collective determination of humanity to combat climate change and secure a sustainable future.

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This critical moment for climate action will not be defined by Trump’s denial but by the opportunity to prove that the movement’s strength lies beyond the influence of any single leader. As we look ahead, even with Trump in the White House, the world can draw hope from the resilience, ingenuity and unity that have characterised the fight against climate change thus far.

Mohammed Dahiru Aminu ([email protected]) wrote from Atlanta, GA, United States.

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