A persistent fear in Nigerian politics is the emergence of a single-party system or a sole presidential candidate. Despite recurring anxieties, this outcome has never materialized. While recent party defections might suggest an invincible ruling party, Nigeria’s political history is defined by unexpected twists. Shattered dreams and surprise elements are inherent to our national life.
The surprise element is unavoidable. Unexpected events are inescapable part of life and strategy. I will cite three examples in relation to three formers leaders — Alhaji Shehu Shagari GCFR (25 February 1925–28 December 2018), General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida GCFR (84) and General Sani Abacha GCFR (20 September 1943–8 June 1998).
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After the 7 July, 1979 elections during which, Alhaji Usman Aliyu Shehu Shagari was declared Presidential winner in the polls, the NPN (National Party of Nigeria) had 36 Senate seats, the UPN (Unity Party of Nigeria) had 28, the NPP (Nigerian People’s Party) had 16 seats, the GNPP (Great Nigerian People’s Party) had eight, while the PRP (People’s Redemption Party) had seven.
Those elected on the platform of NPN then were Alhaji AD Rufai, Alhaji Ibrahim Dimis, Alhaji Ibrahim Jalo Waziri, Alhaji Abdulkadir Yelwaji Saleh, Alhaji Uba Ahmed, Chief DD Dafinone, Chief Andrew Abogede, Chief JS Tarka, Mr Suemo Chia, Mr B Ameh Ebute, Colonel Ahmadu Ali, Alhaji Girigiri Lawan, Mr Victor Akan, Mr Donald Etiebet, Dr Joseph Wayas, Mr Iliya Audu, Alhaji Abba Ali, Mr Jacob Madawaki, Alhaji Yusuf Ali, Alhaji Isa Abonyi Obaro, Mr Aliyu Mohamadu Gani, Dr Abubakar Olusola Saraki, Alhaji Abubakar Magaji, Alhaji Jibrin Salihu, Alhaji Ibrahim Kolo, Alhaji Abdullahi Mangu, Colonel Garba Dada Paiko, Dr O Eberewariye, Mr CN Nunieh, Mr Amatari Zuofa, Mr Atto Bugundu, Mr Haruna Muza, Alhaji Garuba Gada, Alhaji Hassan Zuru and Alhaji Garba Kware.
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Under the United Party of Nigeria, those elected were Chief John Umolu, Chief Emmanuel O. Akpata, Justice Franklin O. Atake, Mr Gayus Gilama, Mr Justus Olu Olabode, Alhaji Sikiru Shitta-Bey, Dr Femi Ayantuga, Alhaji Mudasiru AO Abiru, Mr Abayomi Durosinmi, Mr Adeyiga Ajayi, Mr Ladega Daniel Adetola, Mr Oyero Kunle, Mr SO Sogbein, Chief Jonathan Akinremi Olawale Odebiyi, Chief Abraham Aderibigbe Adesanya, Chief Emmanuel Kayode Ogunleye, Mr Michael Onukun, Professor David O Oke, Mr Ayo Fasanmi, Professor Banj Akintoye, Chief Ayoola Adeleke, Dr Christopher Ilori, Mr Ademola Adegoke, Dr Christopher Adeoye and Mr Olalere Adesina.
On a personal note, one of them, Chief Ayoola Adeleke from Ede was the father of the present Osun state governor, Senator Ademola Adeleke.
He was the Vice Chairman of the then Senate Committee on Labour. I will not forget his regular supply of bitter kola to me during his senate years.
Those elected for the NPP were Prince Onyeabo Obi, Dr Offia Nwali, Chief BC Okwu, Chief N Nathaniel Anah, Mr Isaiah N Ani, Mr Bardi Joe, Mr Emeka P Echeruo, Dr Elijah E Emezie, Dr Jaja Nwachukwu, Chief Tony Anyanwu, Mr Simeon Ojukwu, Mr Garba Matta, Mr John Wash Pam, Mr George Hookwap, Mr Francis Ella and Dr Obi Wali.
The elected Senators for the GNPP were Alhaji Idrisa Kadi, Mr Bukar Sanda, Mr Jafaru Manga, Mr Umaru Lawan Bama, Mr George Daniel, Prince Joseph Ansa, Pastor Luka Zanyazing, Mr Bitrus B Kajal and Alhaji Mahmud Waziri while the PRP Senators were Alhaji Ibrahim Barau, Alhaji Adamu Gaya, Alhaji Ahmed Zakari, Alhaji Hamisu Musa, Alhaji Usman A Dambata and Alhaji Sabo B Zuwo.
In the gubernatorial election, the following were elected on the platform of NPN. They were Alhaji Tatari Ali (Bauchi), Alhaji Shehu Kangiwa (Sokoto), Chief Melford Okilo (Rivers), Anwal Ibrahim (Niger), Alhaji Adamu Attah (Kwara), Dr. Clement Isong (Cross River) and Mr. Aper Aku (Benue).
As for the UPN, the following were elected as governors. Chief Bisi Onabanjo (Ogun), Chief Bola Ige (Oyo), Chief Ambrose Alli (Bendel), Chief Adekunle Ajasin (Ondo) and Alhaji Lateef Jakande (Lagos). As for the NPP, there were three governors, namely, Chief Jim Nwobodo (Anambra), Chief Solomon Lar (Plateau) and Chief Sam Mbakwe (Imo). As for GNPP, they had two governors, Alhaji Abubakar Barde (Gongola) and Mohammed Goni (Borno) and the PRP had two, namely, Alhaji Balarabe Musa (Kaduna) and Abubakar Rimi (Kano).
In the House of Representatives, NPN had 168 seats, UPN had 111 seats, NPP had 79 seats, PRP had 47 while GNPP had 44 seats.
Among those elected in 1979 was Alhaji Sule Lamido (77) PRP, who represented Barnin Kudu in the then Kano state. On July 30, 1993, as National Secretary of SDP, he was one of those who signed the tripartite Committee document that created the Interim National Government.
Almost forty-six years later, he among others, is still around. Also still around is Chief Tajudeen Olusi (89) UPN, who represented Lagos South in the House of Representatives. He is at present Chairman, Governance Advisory Council in Lagos state. Also still around is my friend, Peter Olayemi Obaoye, who represented Irepodun Constituency in Kwara state.
However, the game changed after the Presidential and Senatorial elections of 20 August, 1983. The NPN increased its Senatorial seats to 60, thereby gaining 24 more seats, while the UPN reduced its own to 16, thereby losing 12 seats and the NPP lost 4 seats thereby reducing its seats to 12. As for the PRP, it lost two seats, thereby reducing its seats to only five and the GNPP lost six senatorial seats.
In the House of Representatives election, the NPN gained 138 more seats thereby increasing its strength to 306, the UPN lost 60 seats thereby losing to only 51 seats while the NPP lost 30 seats reducing its strength to 48. As for the PRP, it lost eight seats and reduced its strength to 41 while the GNPP lost all its 43 seats and had no seat at all.
In the gubernatorial election, the following were elected. As for UPN, Lagos state, Alhaji Lateef Kayode Jakande, Kwara State, Senator Cornelius Olatunji Adebayo, Ogun state, Chief Bisi Onabanjo and Ondo state, Chief Michael Adekunle Ajasin.
Chief Cornelius Adebayo, born 24 February, 1941 died recently and was buried at Oke Onigbin in his hometown of Kwara state. He was a gentle man. I knew him in 1979 during his senate years and our friendship lasted till he died. I visited him last at his residence at Mabushi in Abuja. His death pained me. He became lonely after the death of his wife, Elizabeth Funmilayo Ibiwoye.
As for NPN, the following were elected, Alhaji Bamanga Tukur (Gongola), Alhaji Tatari Alli (Bauchi), Mr Aper Aku (Benue), Alhaji Lawal Kaita (Kaduna), Chief Christian Onoh (Anambra), Dr Omololu Olunloyo (Oyo state), Chief Melford Okilo (Rivers), Alhaji Garuba Nadama (Sokoto), Alhaji Muhammed Anwal Ibrahim (Niger), Chief Donald Duke Etiebet (Cross River state), Dr. Samuel Ogbemudia (Bendel state) and Alhaji Asheik Jarma (Borno State).
Under PRP, Alhaji Sabo Barkin Zuwo was elected in Kano state, while Chief Samuel Mbakwe was elected in Imo state and Chief Solomon Lar was elected on NPP platform in Plateau State.
Thereafter speculations became rife that Nigeria was heading for a one-party state. There were celebrations in the NPN camp. I remember visiting the house of Alhaji Umaru Dikko, the then powerful Minister of Transport, in Ikoyi Lagos, along with my friend, Alhaji Usman Muktar of the NTA, Alhaji Dikko made a boast then, that very soon, “the NPN will swallow all other parties”.
Then came the morning of 31st December, 1983, the announcement by Brigadier Sani Abacha GCFR (20 September 1943 – 8 June 1998) on that day terminated the attempt of having a single party in the country. The miliary took over and Major General Muhammadu Buhari GCFR (17 December 1942 – 13 July 2025), never had a political programme until he too was overthrown by Major General Ibrahim Babangida (84) GCFR in August 1985.
Following the submission of the political bureau made up of SJ Cookey (Chairman), EO Awa, AD Yahaya, Haroun Adamu, Ibrahim Halilu, Pascal Bafyau, Oye Oyediran, Tunde Adeniran, Sam E. Oyovbaire, Bala Takaya, O.E. Uya, Sani Zaharadden, Mrs Hilda Adefarasin, Mrs R Abdullahi, Ola Balogun, Edin Madunagu, Abdullahi Augie (Executive Secretary), the then Head of State, General (rtd.) Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida (GCFR) on 7 October, 1989, decreed two political parties for the country. They were the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republican Convention (NRC).
In an address to the nation, General (rtd.) Ibrahim Babangida announced that the AFRC has accepted the principles of grassroots democratic two-party system. He declared then “It is our belief that the system shall: (a) provide a grassroots basis for the emergence of political parties (b) establish a grassroots or mass platform for the emergence of new leadership (c) give equal rights and opportunities to all Nigerians to participate in the political process irrespective of their wealth, religion, geo-political backgrounds and professional endeavours (d) de-empasise the role of money in politics (e) reduce, to a minimum level, the element of violence in our electoral process (f) preclude the emergence political alliances along the same lines as in the First Republics and, therefore, give Nigerians a new political structure within which to operate.
(g) ensure the emergence of a new, more dedicated and more genuine leadership cadre, which will not be a mere proxy for old political warlords (h) chart a new pattern of political recruitment participation which will enhance Nigeria’s stability (i) establish strong instructional structures which not only sustain future governments, but also be strong enough to stand the test of time and (j) establish a political system that will be operated according to the spirit and letter of the Constitution of the Federal Republic.”
In his speech to the nation, General (rtd.) Ibrahim Babangida further declared “the two political parties shall be funded by the Federal Military Government. No financial contributions by any individuals or groups to part treasury shall be permitted at this stage.
NEC shall clearly specify the mechanism for fund raising by political parties at a later stage in the transition programme. Our decision to build political offices can now settle down to these buildings and conduct their respective business. They will be spared the ‘hostage politics’ of the past whereby people loaned out premises to a political party and used that fact to access, influence and patronage.
All accounts of each party shall be audited before and after the first elections by external auditors appointed by NEC— at local, state and national levels of the two political parties. The AFRC strongly believes that our financial contribution to the parties at this stage is a vital investment in the future political stability of our nation.
Party conventions shall be held after the registration exercise. Such conventions shall be held at the ward, local government, state, and finally, at the national levels in that order. The conventions shall (a) elect officers of the party at relevant levels (b) discuss and suggest to NEC for onward transmission to the AFRC, any amendments to the draft constitutions and manifestos. (c) establish modalities for fund-raising within the NEC guidelines on fiscal contributions to political parties and (d) establish strategies for campaigns, within NEC guidelines.”
In his address at the Armed Forces dinner of 1990, General (rtd.) Ibrahim Babangida said “our political target is to ensure that we disengage in 1992, by which time we would have, at least, established the ground work for a successful take-off of a new political order that will provide justice, equality and social upliftment for the generality of Nigerians. The political system we are trying we are trying to create is one that has been worked in Nigeria by Nigerians for Nigerians.”
The same General Ibrahim Babangida terminated the Presidential election of June 12, 1993. The annulment put an end to the experiment of having a two-party system in Nigeria. The setting up of the Interim National Government in 1993 finally nailed the coffin on the two-party structure.
If you invite ten Nigerians to a social event, the possibility is that, ten of them will wear ten different kinds of dresses. That sums up who really, we are. We Nigerians are different people with different backgrounds, interests and contradictions. And that extends to our political system.
General Sani Abacha seized power in a palace coup in November 1993. Under General Sani Abacha, the main decision-making organ was exclusively the military Provisional Ruling Council (PRC), which ruled by decree. The 32-member Federal Executive Council composed of military officers and civilians. Pending the promulgation of the Constitution written by the Constitution Conference in 1995 and subsequently approved by the Head of State, the Government observed some provisions of the 1979 and 1989 Constitutions. The decree suspending the 1979 Constitution was not repealed and the 1989 Constitutions were not implemented. In 1995, General Abacha announced a transition timetable designed to return the country to democratically elected civilian government by 1 October, 1998.
The Government continued to enforce its arbitrary authority through the Federal Security System (the military, the state security service, and the national police) and through decrees blocking action by the opposition in the courts. All branches of the security forces committed serious human rights abuses.
Throughout his tenure, General Abacha’s Government relied regularly on arbitrary detention and harassment to silence its many critics. The winner of the annulled 1993 presidential election, Chief Moshood Kashimawo Abiola, remained in detention on charges of treason, and unidentified persons murdered Abiola’s senior, Kudirat, wife under mysterious circumstances.
In September 1996, 39 people were reported dead in the Northern cities of Kaduna and Zaria after police attempted to break up demonstrations protesting the detention of Muslim Cleric and religious leader, Sheikh Ibrahim Al-Zakzaky.
Joseph Kporok, a 30-year-old Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) activist, was arrested after a dispute with his mother-in-law over land. Once in custody at the Rivers state internal security task force headquarters, Kporok was interrogated about his MOSOP affiliation and beaten. He was then transferred to state police headquarters in Port Harcourt where he died. 26-year-old Kenneth Nwokoye was beaten to death by uniformed officers who arrested him after raiding and searching his house.
Alhaja Suliat Adedeji, an outspoken politician and successful businesswoman, was beaten and shot by armed men who invaded her home in Ibadan. Despite brutal demands for “ransom”, nothing was taken from the Adedeji home. Dr Alex Ibru, Publisher of The Guardian, one of the country’s leading independent daily newspapers, was shot and permanently injured by gunmen.
The 1979 Constitution (suspended) and the 1989 Constitution (never implemented) prohibit torture and mistreatment of prisoners and provide criminal sanctions for such excesses. The Evidence Act of 1960 prohibits the introduction of evidence obtained through torture. Nevertheless, detainees frequently die while in custody, and there were credible reports that police seeking to extract confessions regularly tortured and beat suspects and that interrogators beat and nearly tortured to death convicted “coup plotters.” The authorities reportedly tortured convicted “coup plotter” and TSM magazine editor in chief, Mrs Chris Anyanwu while in detention, and they beat Bunmi Aborishade, editor of the defunct June 12 weekly, when he was arrested.
During this period, Bishop Emmanuel Bolanle Gbonigi (95) of the Akure Anglican Diocese, raised his voice constantly against the abuse of power by General Abacha. Bagaudu Kaltho of TELL Magazine, was abducted by unknown people. He was never seen till this day.
Early in the Abacha regime, Lagos state governor, Colonel Olagunsoye Oyinlola, formed the Lagos State Environmental Task Force as part of its “war on indiscipline and corruption”. Under Colonel Oyinlola’s direct supervision, the task force used brutal force on individuals in its attempt to rid Lagos of illegal street traders and copious accumulated garbage. For the most, the Government neither acknowledged nor denied that these abuses occurred and left their perpetrators unpunished. However, the new Lagos state governor, Colonel Buba Marwa acknowledged that there have been abuses and said he would try to curb them.
The Government released several prominent detainees before the Commonwealth Ministerial Action Group was set to meet in London to consider issues including additional sanctions. The authorities held Dr Tunji Abayomi, chairman of the Founder’s Council of Human Rights Africa and General Olusegun Obasanjo’s lawyer, originally detained in July 1995, until June; Fred Eno, an aide to MKO Abiola, from August 1994 to June; and Abdul Oroh, executive director of the CLO from July 1995 to June. Chief Ayo Opadokun, General Secretary of NADECO, who had been detained since October 1994, was released 25 June, 1996, only to be rearrested the following day and held in detention without charge until 2 November. Expectations that the releases might presage real human rights improvements were not fulfilled, as the government continued its policies of arbitrary arrest and detention, including the December arrest and detention of prodemocracy activist Dr Fredrick Fasehun and former presidential candidate and NADECO supporter Chief Olabiyi Durojaiye.
Several leading labour and prodemocracy activists who were arrested in 1993 remained in detention, including M.K.O. Abiola and Frank Kokori, General Secretary of the National Union of Petroleum and Natural Gas Workers (NUPENG). Security forces arrested Milton Dabibi, who was General Secretary of the Petroleum and Natural Gas Senior Staff Association (PENGASSAN) before the government dissolved the executive structure of the union and installed a sole administrator.
By 1997 and 1998, MKO Abiola remained in prison despite a November 1994 ruling by the Kaduna Federal Hight Court of Appeal granting him bail on the condition that he would “not disturb the peace”. In May 1995, eight Supreme Court justices, including Chief Justice Mohammed Bello, withdrew from hearing the case because of a libel suit they had pending against Abiola’s Concord Press, effectively suspending hearings on Abiola’s appeal until new justices were named to the court. Abiola’s trial on treason charges remained suspended indefinitely on orders from the regime.
There were no known instances of forced exile as a means of political control, although several NADECO members, including former Senator Bola Tinubu, retired Air Commodore Dan Suleiman, Nobel Laureate Professor Wole Soyinka, and elder statesman, and senior NADECO figure, Chief Anthony Enahoro live in self-imposed exile. Other activists such as Owens Wiwa, brother of executed minority rights activists Ken Saro-Wiwa, and his wife Diana joined them.
In practice tribunal proceeding often deny defendants due process as in the trial before the Ogoni Civil Disturbances Special Tribunal of Ken Saro Wiwa and others for their alleged roles in the killings of four prominent Ogoni politicians in May 1994. On 31 October, 1995, the Tribunal announced guilty verdicts and death sentences for Saro-Wiwa and eight other activists. The PRC “confirmed” this decision on 8 November, 1995, and quickly executed all nine on 10 November, 1995. In that case, the Government refused to comply with a tribunal order to produce a videotape recorded on 22 May, 1994, with Rivers state governor, Lt. Colonel Dauda Komo, who proclaimed that Saro-Wiwa was “guilty of murder”. This led the 18-member defense team, led by Abdul-Ganiyu Fawehinmi SAN 22 April 1938 – 5 September 2009), to withdraw in protest. Included in the team were Femi Falana SAN (67) and Oronto Douglas (1966-2015).
In May 1997, the National Broadcasting Commission banned Ray Power, a private Lagos radio station, from transmitting British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) programmes.
Throughout 1997 and 1998, government security agents frequently harassed, arrested, and detained journalists. Four journalists convicted of involvement in an alleged 1995 coup plot remained in prison. The government detained without charge Nosa Igiebor, editor in chief of Tell Magazine. In March, the government briefly detained Emeka Omeihe, editor of the newspaper Daily Champion, and three top editorial staff of The Guardian newspaper over reports in their newspapers that the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI), had ruled out sabotage in the presidential plane crash in January that killed Ibrahim Abacha, the Head of State’s son.
Others detained for shorter or longer periods, usually without charge, included Bunmi Aborishade, editor of the defunct weekly June 12; in May, George Onah, defense correspondent of The Vanguard newspaper, Tunji Adegboyega, editor of The PUNCH newspaper, for a front-page story relating to the arson attack on the home of one of the prominent NADECO members in self-exile; Kate Odigie-Oyegun, the general manager of the newspaper company that publishes The Observer, over a story that speculated about changes in the military following large scale military promotions to the rank of general; in August, Alphonsus Agborh, The PUNCH newspaper’s Port Harcourt correspondent, for a story concerning imported arms; and in September, Ola Awoniyi, Abuja bureau Chief for The Nigerian Tribune, after reporting allegations of espionage and corruption in the Air Force.
Virtually all senior editors of the weeklies, Tell, Dateline, TheNews (Bayo Onanuga and Femi Ojudu), Tempo, the daily A.M. News were subjected to surveillance and harassment by security agents. Security forces routinely seized entire runs of Tell magazine when cover stories offended the Government. Agents harassed and intimidated vendors and printers to the point that in some parts of the country, Tell was no longer available. The seizures and intimidation caused great financial distress for Tell and were partially responsible for the weekly’s decision to discontinue publication of its sister magazine, Dateline.
Throughout 1997, the government routinely seized the passports of its critics, including those of Movement for the Survival of Ogoni People (MOSOP) Vice President, Ledum Mitee, CLO President, Ayo Obe, National Association of University Women President and African-American Institute program representative, Clara Osinulu, lawyer Priscilla Kuye, United Nations hunger award recipient, Chief Bisi Ogunleye, and human rights activists, lawyer and CLO co-founder, Chief Olisa Agbakoba (SAN).
In an attempt to install General Abacha as the sole Presidential candidate, Mr. Max Siollun is our guide.
The National Committee of Youth Associations (NACYAN) published pro-Abacha advertisements in several newspapers in 1998. They called for a “Two Million Man March” on March 3-4, 1998, a 48-hour carnival during which there would be ‘No school, no work, no sleep’. Daniel Kanu was the chairman of Youths Earnestly As for Abacha (YEAA). Kanu and YEAA threatened to go on a hunger strike and to make Nigeria ‘ungovernable’ if Abacha did not agree to continue in power. Mr. Kanu said: ‘We will do whatever it takes to ensure Abacha continues.’
Despite claiming to be autonomous, NACYAN and YEAA seemed suspiciously well funded. They had a budget of 500 million naira for the Two Million Man March, they managed to mobilise significant logistics, and they procured government cooperation at every turn. When a coalition of civil society groups called the United Action for Democracy (UAD), led by the lawyer Olisa Agbakoba, organized anti-government demonstration in Lagos, the Lagos State Commissioner of Police sternly reminded them that they do not have a permit for the demonstration. When the UAD proceeded with the demonstration anyway, the police fired tear gas at them, hit them with gun butts, broke up the demonstration, and arrested Chief Olisa Agbakoba (SAN).
When demonstrators objected to the heavy-handed treatment, the police responded by firing more tear gas at them. Yet when NACYAN planned a pro-government rally in Abuja, the police promptly issued them with a permit. The Federal Road Safety Corps also promised to facilitate their rally by keeping the road clear. Civil servants were given time off work to enable them to attend the event. Despite a massive fuel shortage, the Managing Director of the Pipeline and Product Marketing Company, Aminu Suleima said that petrol stations would open until midnight to ensure free movement of persons during the rally. The government also made police bomb disposal and helicopter surveillance units available for the events.
The rally itself was part political procession, part carnival and featured pro-Abacha ballons and posters. Its organisers claimed that 3million people attended, though opposition estimates were only 100,000. Prominent actors, actresses and musicians attended and performed while the political elite was also present, including the national chairmen of the five political parties, leading political figures like Arisekola Alao, Sam Mbakwe, Uche Chukwumerije, Miatama Sule, and Evan Enwerem. At the rally, Mr Kanu read from prepared script and described General Abacha as ‘the best head of State’ that this country ever had. We want you to continue….the children are calling. Please against all odds you must answer us’. Kanu also subsequently appeared in a CNN television interview. In a well-drilled performance, he demonstrated in-depth knowledge of government politics and effortlessly reeled off statistics about the government’s finances and economic achievements. He also took time to criticise Abacha’s opponents as Wole Soyinka.
Five political parties were to contest the Presidential election on August 1: the Congress for National Consensus (CNC), Democratic Party of Nigeria (DPN), Grassroots Democratic Movement (GDM), National Centre Party of Nigeria (NCPN), and the United Nigeria Congress Party (UNCP). Between April 6 and 9, 1998, the parties held conventions to choose their presidential candidates. Only the GDM allowed nominees other than Abacha, namely the former Inspector-General of Police, Muhammadu Dikko, Alhaji M. D. Yusuf, and Dr. Tunji Braithwaite. The government took an unusual interest in the GDM’s convention. The GDM Chairman, Gambo Lawan, was a close friend of Major Hamza Al-Mustapha. Lawan and Al-Mustapha flew together with members of the GDM’s national executive committee in the presidential jet to the party’s convention in Maiduguri.
All five parties chose General Sani Abacha as their presidential candidate, even though he was not a member of any of them. Some of the parties amended their Constitutions to make General Abacha eligible. Dr Braithwaite walked out of the GDM’s convention in protest at the manipulation of the nomination process. A member of the UNCP claimed that the party was ‘being run from the (presidential) Villa. (Lt-General) Jeremiah Useni was the anchor man. NADECO member Chief Bola Ige contemptuously described the parties as ‘five fingers of the leprous hand’ and announced that he had started the “Siddon Look Movement”. Rather than voting in a presidential election, it seemed that Nigerians would instead vote yes or no in a referendum for a General Abacha presidency. In a typical fashion, General Abacha did not confirm or deny whether he would accept any party’s nomination of him.
In April 1998, a group of 18 northern politicians calling themselves the ‘G18’ (Group of 18) wrote an open letter to Abacha in which they opposed his self-succession bid. The G18 included eminent northern leaders such as Alhaji Adamu Ciroma, Chief Solomon Lar, Alhaji Sule Lamido, Alhaji Balarabe Musa, Alhaji Abubakar Rimi and Alhaji Ahmed Joda.
Shortly after the G18’s letter, 14 politicians from the south-east under the leadership of former Vice-President, Dr Alex Ekwueme also issued a statement opposing Abacha’s candidacy as a civilian president. The two groups coalesced to form the ‘G34’ (they also went by the name Institute of Civil Society). Opposition to Abacha from northern and south-eastern wings of the G34 slightly eased the ethno-regional coloration of the crisis, which depicted it as a confrontation between the Muslim north and Yoruba south-west. It also demonstrated that NADECO were not the sole proprietors of the democracy struggle.
Then on 8 June, 1998, General Sani Abacha died at THE VILLA.
Nigeria’s political culture inherently resists monolithic control. Our diversity is profound—from Adamawa State with over 70 ethnic groups to relatively homogenous Ekiti. We are a nation of different backgrounds, interests, and contradictions.
The constitutional provision for a multi-party system reflects this reality. History shows that whenever a single party or candidate seems inevitable, a “surprise element”—be it military intervention, internal resistance, or unforeseen events—preserves pluralism. Despite current defections, the survival of only one party by 2027 remains doubtful. Our strength and our challenge lie in our differences; no single political party can truly accommodate Nigeria’s contradictory interests.
Eric Teniola, a former director at the Presidency, wrote from Lagos.
