What do Igbos really want from Nigeria, and what conversations should we be having among ourselves?
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I was initially asked to speak on the topic of ‘what the Igbos want from Nigeria’. The topic was later modified to ‘Igbo Charter of Demands from Nigeria’, which I believe, was meant to be a set of demands to be tabled as bargaining chips with presidential candidates in the 2027 election. I have taken the liberty to slightly modify the title to, “What do Igbos really want from Nigeria, and what conversations should we be having among ourselves?” The modified title enables me to go beyond just a “charter of demands we want from Nigeria” to address other pertinent issues that relate to what some people, sometimes, crudely, call ‘the Igbo problem’. For instance, how are we really sure that the Presidential candidates we will present the charter of demands TO will honour their promise if they get to power? And how are we sure they have no vested interest in the perpetuation of the current condition of the Igbos in the country? I believe that the people best positioned to solve the ‘Igbo problem’ are Igbos themselves, not other Nigerians, no matter how powerful, or well-meaning they may be. I also believe that it is through a robust and honest conversations among ourselves that we will be in a better position to articulate what we want from Nigeria.
What Is the ‘Igbo Problem’?
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The question of ‘what do the Igbos want from Nigeria’, is sometimes used interchangeably with the so-called ‘Igbo problem.’ On the notion of ‘the Igbo problem’, there is no consensus. From the perspective of most Igbo people, ‘the Igbo problem’ is a feeling of being unwanted (or ‘marginalised’ in political parlance) in the Nigerian federation. The extreme manifestation of this sense of being unwanted is ‘Igbophobia’, which is the weaponisation and institutionalisation of this sense of being unwanted.
For other Nigerians, what constitutes ‘the Igbo problem’ could range from earnest conversations about the Igbo feelings of exclusion to the use of such conversations as opportunities to have a dig on the Igbo race, or to perpetuate the same Igbophobia they purport to want to find solutions for. Let me mention immediately that every culture, including the Igbo culture, has something ennobling about it, and something that people would recoil from. For this, the theory of hierarchy of cultures popular with colonial anthropologists have since been discredited in favour of cultural relativity – each culture is judged only to the extent to which it serves its people.
Where Did the Rain Start To Beat Us?
Igbophobia did not start today. It was there even during the colonial times. It is a range of negative attitudes and feelings towards the Igbos who make up a majority of the people in the country’s South-East, and a sizeable part of the populations of the South-South and the Middle Belt zones.
Its origin can be traced in part to the Igbo socio-political system. Most parts of Igboland did not pass through the feudal epoch with its centralised structures and obsequious attitude to authority. The people were essentially republicans, with an achievement-oriented culture, where age is respected but achievement is revered. This has both positive and negative consequences. On the positive side, it engendered a spirit of competitiveness, ingenuity and resilience. For instance, during the colonial times, while the Igbos were not the first ethnic group to accept western education, once they saw the opportunities in it, they embraced it with uncommon zeal such that within a short space of time, their education, coupled with their diasporic orientation, led to their high visibility (or even dominance) in critical sectors of public service, including the military and the civil service. Of course, dominance by its nature breeds resentment – something lost on some political leaders these days who think they are doing their ethnic, religious or regional in-groups a favour by clannishly making ‘their people’ to dominate choice public positions when they are in power.
Anti-Igbo sentiments arising from the Igbo domination of the public space in the First Republic were exacerbated by the January 1966 coup d’état, the July 1966 counter-coup, the pogroms in different parts of the country, the Civil War, the War propaganda on both sides of the conflict, and the vested interest of some groups in using Igbophobia to gain advantage for their in-groups in the competition for power and scare socioeconomic resources in the country.
One of the negative aspects of the Igbo achievement-oriented culture is that since failure is strongly frowned upon, some Igbo youths not only want to ‘make it’, they also want loudly to be seen to have ‘made it’. This pushes many into looking for shortcuts to ‘make it’, and to be celebrated as having made it. I will propose that some of the unintended consequences of our achievement- oriented culture should form part of the conversations we should be having among ourselves.
Igbo and the Search for Group Identity
It is natural for groups in a multi-ethnic country like ours to have conversations over their future. Several parts of the country hold similar conversations – the core Middle Belt states of Benue and Plateau for instance continue to discuss on whether they should anchor their identity on Middle Belt or accept the current arrangement which lumps them as part of the North; the search for identity among the Yoruba span the spectrum of those who want ‘true federalism’ to those who want outright secession as Oduduwa Republic; many people from the North and South-South are not left out in such conversations, sometimes openly, at other times in hush-hush tones.
In Igboland, we find several groups also embracing different options on where the Igbo should anchor their identity – from whether to be part of the Nigerian federation, and if so, in what form to those who want outright secession. In essence, the conversations in Igboland about the group’s identity is not manifestly different from what is happening in other parts of the country or even across the world.
The Secessionist Option
The peaceful quest for self-determinations is a worldwide phenomenon from the United Kingdom, through Italy, Spain, Canada and even the United States. In the USA for instance, there are at least ten active separatist movements including in California, the country’s third largest state, where the ‘Yes California Independence Campaign’, was formed in August 2015 by Louis J Marinelli. There is also The League of the South, an active organisation established in 1994 by Michael Hill, Jack Kershaw, and other members and which campaigns for the former Confederacy states (South Carolina, Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Texas, Virginia, Arkansas, North Carolina, and Tennessee) to secede from the US. As we all know, the attempt by the Confederate States to secede from the US led to the US Civil war that lasted from 12 April, 1861 until 9 April, 1865. In essence, no one should be made to feel ashamed that there are separatist movements in Igboland.
However, it is important for the various hues of the separatist movements to have a balanced view of their agitation, namely, the idea that independence may not necessarily bring peace or prosperity (as the case of South Sudan demonstrates) and that having the same language and religion are not sufficient conditions for the success of any new nation (as the case of Somalia demonstrates). Militarised quests for separation or the use of acerbic language in such campaigns usually prove counter-productive, and very few of such approaches have succeeded in modern times.
President of Igbo Extraction Option
There are those who believe that having a President of Igbo extraction is all that is needed to solve the Igbo feeling of exclusion. While I support the idea of a competent and ethically driven President of Igbo extraction (at least for the momentary hurrah effect it could generate among the Igbos), I have my doubts that it will be a sufficient antidote to ‘the Igbo problem’. This is because historically, when a President of a particular ethnic extraction is in power, and is being robustly criticised (something that comes with the job), criticisms by non-members of the President’s ethnic group will often lead to members of the President’s in-group rallying together to defend their own, exacerbating in the process tensions between the President’s ethnic group and others.
Similarly, it may be tempting to pose the question of whether Obasanjo’s tenure as Military Head of State (1976-1979) and civilian President (1999-2007) as well as Tinubu’s current presidency, have assuaged separatist quests among the Yoruba. We can also ask whether Obama’s eight-year presidency in the USA led to African Americans being better accepted in the US or whether his presidency paradoxically led to the weaponisation of right-wing politics in the USA which paved the way for the emergence of Donald Trump.
A New Charter of Conversation for the Ohanaeze Ndigbo
I am happy to hear about some of the achievements of the current Ohanaeze leadership, under Senator John Azuta-Mbata, including the desire to promote the Igbo language. The recorded achievements of Ohanaeze Ndigbo are very encouraging but more needs to be done. For this, rather than a ‘Charter of Demands from Nigeria’, I would propose a charter of conversations we Igbos should be having among ourselves, led by the Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide:
Igbo Identity should be a Core Driver: Experiences from the separatist movements in Spain, Italy, Canada and elsewhere show that regional identity, language, and culture were central to their pursuit of self-determination. We need to do more to strengthen the Igbo identity, including promoting and taking pride in the various Igbo dialects, and respecting the peculiarity of each Igbo group. The distinction between core or non-core Igbos is divisive. Ohaneze should develop a deliberate policy of cultural cooperation, including the use of sports among the Igbos who are located not just in different parts of the country but also beyond. Ohanaeze must find a way of helping several Igbos afflicted with ‘bleaching complex’ – a belief that denying or hiding their Igbo identity will make them more acceptable in the wider Nigerian society. Others demur from showing pride in their ethnic identity for fear of being labelled ‘tribalist’ or an ethnic chauvinist. It must be carefully explained to such people that demonstrating love for one’s ethnic group is not ethnicity or what some call ‘tribalism’ and that it becomes so only when the demonstration of pride in one’s ethnic in-group is framed in conflictual terms.
Economic development of Igboland should be a priority
The Igbo culture seems to revere individuals who do not live within the homeland, often the farther away from one’s village or town, the more the respect. The Igbo adulation of the Diaspora (broadly defined), and its achievement oriented culture, have led to many Igbos investing in other parts of the country to the neglect of their own Igbo enclaves. Though there is evidence that this is changing gradually, more needs to be done. Igbophobia will be less if the region is seen to be economically thriving and a home for both Igbos, and non-Igbos who can add value to the area.
Ingenuity has both time and space dimensions
Igbos are widely respected, even if grudgingly, for their ingenuity and resilience, especially in commerce. I need to mention that various ethnic groups in the country also have their unique abilities and areas they should work on. Many of our people take pride in being good traders. However, we should be conscious of the fact that ingenuity has time and space dimensions. Some 10-20 years ago, going to China to buy goods to resell may make someone a smart trader. These days anyone with android phone could do the same buying and selling from the comfort of his or her home. This means that we cannot sustain what some call Igbo ingenuity in commerce if we remain fixated on what gave us advantage in the olden days when the world around us is changing very fast. We are gradually losing out even in areas where our people were very visible. For instance, though modern Nollywood arguably started in Onitsha, how many films on Igbos or by Igbo producers are today on Netflix?
The get-rich quick syndrome
While this is not specific to the Igbo, this is probably one of the unintended consequences of our achievement- oriented culture. It needs to be an urgent area the Ohanaeze should focus on because it has misled many of our youths into looking for short-cuts with the attendant crimes it brings. We must stop giving the impression that a person’s sources of income do not matter provided the person does charitable work in the community.
Countries that fought the bitterest civil wars could also become closest allies
The United States fought a bitter War of Independence with the United Kingdom from 19 April, 1775 to 19 October, 1781. Today, they are about the closest allies. Similarly, Japan, where the US dropped the Atom bomb that killed some 200,000 to 300,000 Japanese by the end of 1945, (in addition to other humiliations after the war), is today an ally of the US. The country forms the cornerstone of American security in Asia, with a strong military and political partnership formalised by the US-Japan Security Treaty since the 1950s. In the same vein, Germany fought and lost two World Wars, each with humiliating consequences. For instance, the Treaty of Versailles which ended the First World War in 1919 contained the War Guilt Clause (Article 231) which forced Germany to accept sole responsibility for the war and was ordered to pay 132 billion gold marks (roughly $33 billion at the time), a sum, economists like John Maynard Keynes warned could collapse the European economy. After the country was again defeated during the Second World War, Germany became divided into four occupation zones (US, UK, France, USSR) and consequently became the first modern state to be ruled by foreign powers. Millions of Germans were used as forced labour for years after the war to rebuild Allied nations. For instance, in France alone, an estimated 2,000 German prisoners died monthly while clearing minefields. There was also a massive industrial dismantling of the country, with the former Soviet Union stripping East Germany of factories and skilled personnel as reparations. Today, Germany is not only an ally of the USA, it is a key member of Europe and therefore part of the West.
The above instances suggest that grievances by our youth, while legitimate in many instances, need to be creatively channelled and should not be turned into an ideology.
Unity among the Igbo political class
Most members of the Igbo political class appear self-serving, only to turn around and cry ‘marginalization’ when it suits them. Most seem driven by the doctrine of the ‘goat follows the man with the palm frond’ and for this, are either unable, or too lily-livered to fight for Igbo interest. For example, in the wake of the rampant herdsmen attacks, the South-west Governors united across party lines, and despite opposition from the federal government, set up the Amotekun to protect the region. The South-East governors dilly-dallied, and as often happens in such situations, non-state actors which are not really equipped for the job, (in this case IPOB), tried to fill the lacuna by promising the people protection from the herdsmen through the establishment of the Eastern Security Network. Today, we are seeing the consequences of such state failure and a non-state actor promising to offer what the state could not deliver.
Similarly, when Reno Omokri, who has probably done more than most people in recent times to openly abuse and ridicule the Igbo, was nominated as an Ambassador designate, one would expect a sense of outrage from the Igbo political class, including law makers. Would such a nomination have been confirmed if Omokri was unleashing the same vitriol he has been pouring on the Igbos on the North or the Yoruba? The failure of the Igbo political class is therefore also one of the reasons some Igbo youths move to feel in the lacuna, often compounding the problem in the process.
Moderate the grievances of some Igbo youths by letting them know they are not completely innocent of what they are accusing others of doing to them
Yes, Igbophobia is real, but we are also not altogether innocent of profiling others. Knowing that we are not altogether innocent of what we are accusing others of doing to us, or in fact that virtually every part of the country has its own story of institutionalized memory of hurt, will help to give us a balanced perspective in articulating what we want from Nigeria.
Is Igbophobia fated to be with us forever?
History does not suggest that. I have already mentioned the experiences of Japan and Germany after the First and Second World Wars. Similarly, in the mid-19th to the early 20th century, Italian and Irish migrants to the US were very harshly treated, with some being lynched due to their Catholicism, poverty, and perceived threats to the American Protestant culture. However, by the mid-20th century both the Italian and Irish migrants have effectively become integrated into the American culture as their home countries prospered.
I believe that one of the surest ways to resolve ‘the Igbo problem’ is by having conversations with ourselves, knowing our strengths, weaknesses, and what we can realistically achieve.
Jideofor Adibe is a professor of Political Science and International Relations at Nasarawa State University and founder of Adonis & Abbey Publishers. He can be reached at: 0705 807 8841 (WhatsApp and Text messages only).
Presented at a Meeting of the Imeobi, Ohanaeze Ndigbo Worldwide, which held at Enugu on December 23, 2025
