Nigeria’s revival begins with education. Not just any education — free, compulsory, high-quality schooling that reshapes society. It will take political will, sustained investment, and patience. But the reward — a nation where every child has a real chance, where voters are informed, and where leaders are held to account—is worth the struggle.
From documentaries about the animal kingdom, we learn a simple truth: a strong animal needs all four legs to be sturdy. A weakness in even one leg makes it vulnerable. Similarly, Nigeria, a nation that often defies all logic, needs a solid foundation to thrive. It is a country that can persevere through crises that should break it, yet falters when success seems within reach. This phenomenon, which we have come to call the “Nigerian factor,” often leaves us wondering: What will it take to get our country back on track?
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There has been much public commentary on Nigeria’s economy, including recent, widely publicised commendations on its stability and ongoing reforms from figures like Charles Soludo and Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala. I agree that economic reforms are core to progress — they are fundamental and foundational. All serious governments must undertake them. While I don’t want to diminish the current administration’s efforts, these reforms are a basic expectation, not a cause for grand celebration. I would argue that Nigeria has been severely broken in many areas for decades, and successive administrations have not made significant contributions to building upon the achievements of their predecessors.
I believe Nigeria’s path to lasting change rests on four foundational pillars, much like the four legs of a strong animal: education, healthcare, the rule of law, and electricity. These four areas, though seemingly distinct, are deeply interconnected and crucial for long-term national development. We cannot afford to neglect a single one. While all are equally important, in this piece I will start with a deep dive into the most fundamental: education.
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The Power of Education: To achieve rapid and sustainable transformation, Nigeria needs a bold, long-term commitment to education. This means a 20- to 25-year national plan for free and compulsory primary and secondary education, enforced by strict penalties for parents or guardians who keep their children out of school. This isn’t just a policy; it is a revolutionary act that will permanently alter our nation’s trajectory.
To make this happen, we must radically shift our financial priorities. A much larger portion of our national budget should be allocated to primary and secondary education, rather than universities, as some argue. Education at these foundational levels should be for everyone, while university education remains for a select few based on ability and intellectual capacity. When we get this right, everything else — from reducing corruption to improving voter awareness and electing better leaders — will fall into place.
But free education is useless if the quality is poor. If we are going to do this, we must do it right. We must take two parallel steps to ensure excellence.
First, invest in our teachers. We need a massive financial commitment to retrain our educators, modernise and decolonise the curriculum. Even more critically, we must drastically increase teachers’ salaries — not just double them, but at least triple the current pay, with progressive increases over the next five years. This will not only honour the sacrifices our teachers make but also attract Nigeria’s best and brightest minds to the profession. Teaching must become a career of choice, not a last resort.
Some might immediately argue that my proposal is flawed because primary and secondary education are the constitutional responsibility of state governors, not the Federal Government. I believe this is precisely why a national legal framework is required. This challenge doesn’t make the plan inoperable; it makes it urgent. The Nigerian people need enhanced advocacy at the state level, and the only way to ensure lasting change is to back this educational revolution with a binding national commitment.
Second, modernise our schools. We must equip every school with modern infrastructure, including computer labs and IT facilities. Imagine schools so well-maintained that students would be scandalised by the sight of someone urinating in public. We need schools with clean, modern toilets that instil a sense of pride and dignity in our children.
This transformation will be a complex, even brutal, process. It will mean weeding out incompetent teachers through rigorous testing and the closing down of subpar private schools. But the benefits will be immense. Parents and guardians will naturally choose the better public school for their children, so private schools that fail to compete will naturally thin out and collapse. Over time, teaching will become a highly respected profession, and the quality of education will soar. The first five to 10 years of this journey will be the most crucial, setting us on an irreversible path to a better future.
The ripple effect of this change will touch every citizen. It’s no surprise to Nigerians that relatively lower-income citizens, such as artisans and drivers, often send their children to private schools. They are ambitious for their children and want them to succeed. This category will find relief in a sound, publicly funded education system. Middle-class families who currently spend exorbitant amounts on often-mediocre private schools will also find relief. Our public schools will once again become a source of pride, as they were in the past. This systemic improvement in education will bring more long-term value to Nigerians, than even the removal of fuel subsidies and the stabilisation of the naira combined.
Some might immediately argue that my proposal is flawed because primary and secondary education are the constitutional responsibility of state governors, not the Federal Government. I believe this is precisely why a national legal framework is required. This challenge doesn’t make the plan inoperable; it makes it urgent. The Nigerian people need enhanced advocacy at the state level, and the only way to ensure lasting change is to back this educational revolution with a binding national commitment. Our collective future demands a unified approach, regardless of where the constitutional responsibility lies. The constitutional reality doesn’t kill the plan — it gives us a clear mission.
Redefining Leadership and Qualifications: Now, let us connect the value of this back to leadership and governance, because there is a counterintuitive truth involved. Many assume that a great leader must have an advanced degree or educational qualification to succeed. I would argue this is a misconception. A remarkably educated leader is not a guarantee of a great government. Instead, it is an educated citizenry that ensures long-term, sustainable development of a nation.
If we examine Nigeria’s history, some of our most impactful and effective leaders were not necessarily the most formally educated. Consider the example of the late Lateef Jakande, a former governor of Lagos State. Despite his relatively modest educational background compared to many of his “highly educated” peers and successors, he achieved remarkable things in just four years and three months. His success was not dependent on a university degree; it was a testament to his vision and commitment to the people. He lived a modest, spartan life and required no extensive security measures, moving around freely during his tenure.
This is why I believe we should re-examine the push to set specific educational requirements for public office, particularly for the presidency and governorship. Why exactly do we want to disrespect the intelligence of the Nigerian voter? While it is easy to claim that our voters are uninformed, that conclusion is both arrogant and disrespectful.
To reform our education sector, free education alone is not enough — quality is non-negotiable. We must: (1) Retrain teachers and overhaul the curriculum — education must be modern, digital, and relevant. (2) Triple teachers’ salaries — attracting the best minds requires paying them like professionals, not martyrs. (3) Rebuild school infrastructure — every school should have computers, modern toilets, and facilities that inspire pride.
Nigerian voters generally know what they want. If they believe education is a prerequisite for a particular office, they will not vote for a candidate who lacks it. An enlightened electorate demands performance. They reject incompetence. They hold leaders accountable. This is why free, quality basic education matters more than presidential degree requirements.
Democracy, at its core, is about the will of the majority. The beauty of it is that the majority has the absolute right to make a “wrong” decision. If they choose a leader who fails them, they also have the power to hold them accountable through impeachment or simply by not re-electing them. Limiting who can run based on a narrow educational standard is a form of elitism — a dismissal of native intelligence and the wisdom of the masses. Should we bar someone from the presidency for lacking a university degree? No. The UK and US impose no such restrictions; all citizens, irrespective of their education level, are eligible. Democracy means trusting voters to decide. If Nigerians reject an unqualified candidate, they will vote accordingly. But to legally exclude citizens based on education is elitist and undemocratic.
The age, gender, and educational background of candidates should be left to the voters to decide. If our current laws allow a 90-year-old to run for president, why would we exclude a 20-year-old? Both might be considered inappropriate by some, but the ultimate decision should rest with the people, not a constitutional mandate. Political parties with national reach are also unlikely to field candidates whom the public would widely perceive as unfit for office.
Instead of focusing on arbitrary educational qualifications, we should prioritise more essential, yet inclusive, criteria. For instance, it is far more critical that a president is mentally and physically fit to hold office. Requiring a mandatory medical and psychiatric evaluation for all candidates would be a far more meaningful and responsible step toward ensuring effective leadership. It would also be a better reflection of the kind of leaders a nation deserves.
To reform our education sector, free education alone is not enough — quality is non-negotiable. We must: (1) Retrain teachers and overhaul the curriculum — education must be modern, digital, and relevant. (2) Triple teachers’ salaries — attracting the best minds requires paying them like professionals, not martyrs. (3) Rebuild school infrastructure — every school should have computers, modern toilets, and facilities that inspire pride.
Today, teaching is a last-resort career. We must make it one of the most desirable professions in Nigeria. Would you encourage your child to become a teacher under current conditions? If not, why expect others to sacrifice? When teaching becomes prestigious, incompetence will be weeded out, and standards will rise.
In conclusion, Nigeria’s revival begins with education. Not just any education — free, compulsory, high-quality schooling that reshapes society. It will take political will, sustained investment, and patience. But the reward — a nation where every child has a real chance, where voters are informed, and where leaders are held to account—is worth the struggle. The other three pillars — healthcare, rule of law, and electricity — will follow in subsequent discussions. But first, we must lay the foundation. Without it, Nigeria will keep stumbling. With it, nothing can stop us. The time to act is now.
Gbolahan Gbadamosi can be reached at [email protected]
