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Nigeria’s history is one of resilience, one also of a history shaped by competing interests — of political elites, multinational corporations, and global powers in the form of what Professor Badejo aptly refers to as “external dynamics.” These interests have determined policies, economic priorities, and even the fates of people. But the world at large cannot continue on this path. We must urgently engineer a new architecture for global and national governance, based on justice, equity, and equal responsibility.
How much I would have loved to be in Nigeria again? I and President Goodluck Jonathan built instant mutual liking and respect. I first met President Goodluck Jonathan at an African Union (AU) summit in Addis Ababa in January 2013, before I started my assignment as Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General in Guinea-Bissau (January 2013-June 2014). UNSG Ban Ki-Moon (BKM) had requested that I joined him in Addis Ababa for an African Union Summit, where I acquainted myself with experienced UN field leaders, including the foremost and widely respected economist, Carlos Lopes, who was then Head of the UN Economic
Commission for Africa.
Well before the appointed time for Ban Ki-Moon and I to meet President Goodluck Jonathan, I had arrived at the president’s guest house. BKM was delayed at a meeting with President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni of Uganda, I was told. A senior adviser to President Jonathan recognised me and immediately informed the president, and I was taken to him. We had at least a half-hour warm and substantive conversation before BKM joined us.
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Today’s celebrant, Professor Femi Badejo, was my Chief of Staff in Guinea-Bissau. He was all smiles as he met me at the airport in Bissau, even as he knew that I might replace him with another person as my Chef de Cabinet. This did not happen, and I quickly realised that I needed an experienced West African and one with easy access to leaders in the region. So began a working relationship that evolved into a friendship lasting till today.
He facilitated meetings with Heads of State in the West African sub-region. We worked hard together to restore constitutional order, return the military to the barracks, and hold free and transparent elections in Guinea-Bissau. I have to say, my country, Timor-Leste, contributed with at least $8 million for the 2014 elections in Guinea-Bissau, much more than any single West African country, and more than the EU.
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I am very pleased to join you today in celebrating the life and achievements of a distinguished scholar, friend, and colleague in global affairs, Professor Babafemi Adesina Badejo. His contributions to political thought and governance have enriched Nigeria’s intellectual society and offered insights into the complex interplay of interests that shape politics.
The theme of this symposium, “Politics is Interests” could not be timelier. We live in an era where special interests dictate the direction of global affairs, often at the expense of justice, equity, and the collective good. The challenge before us is to interrogate these interests and work towards governance frameworks that prioritise the well-being of the people.
For its side, Nigeria must harness its wealth — intellectual capital, human resources, and abundant natural endowments — to serve its people first. Just like Donald Trump has been reiterating “America First”, Nigerian governments and its people should increasingly insist on “Nigeria First”. This projection of “Nigeria First” must be done in a manner that boosts production and productivity and promotes healthy competition in the lookout for the best interests of its people.
Our world today is set in an unfair and exploitative manner of power relations. The very institutions designed to uphold justice, peace, security, and stability are failing us before our very eyes. As I have stated before in some of my commentaries, “we have repeatedly failed to anticipate crises and prevent conflicts. The UN Security Council is paralysed, obsolete, and unrepresentative of the world today.” This failure has allowed wars to rage unchecked – in Ukraine, Gaza, DRC (Congo), Myanmar – leaving destruction in their wake and countless lives lost.
Nigeria, a continental force, is not immune to these global dynamics. Like many other nations, it faces the burden of navigating both domestic and external interests. The question before us is: How can Nigeria position its national interest within a world order that prioritises the powerful over the weak?
The Politics of Interests in Nigeria’s Development
Nigeria’s history is one of resilience, one also of a history shaped by competing interests — of political elites, multinational corporations, and global powers in the form of what Professor Badejo aptly refers to as “external dynamics.” These interests have determined policies, economic priorities, and even the fates of people. But the world at large cannot continue on this path. We must urgently engineer a new architecture for global and national governance, based on justice, equity, and equal responsibility.
For its side, Nigeria must harness its wealth — intellectual capital, human resources, and abundant natural endowments — to serve its people first. Just like Donald Trump has been reiterating “America First”, Nigerian governments and its people should increasingly insist on “Nigeria First”. This projection of “Nigeria First” must be done in a manner that boosts production and productivity and promotes healthy competition in the lookout for the best interests of its people. Ideally, “America or Nigeria first” does not equate to crushing down on other countries. Our lives are so interconnected across the globe that economic illnesses starting in a major economy quickly reverberate and sink other economies across its borders and beyond. And instability and conflicts in mineral rich countries of the South fuelled by external interests always have a boomerang effect. This leads me into my next line of thought.
A Changing Global Interests Structure
We are witnessing evolution in global alignments — from the rise of BRICS to the questioning of the relevance of Bretton Woods institutions. The emergence of China as an economic powerhouse has also caused deep anxieties in Western capitals. I have repeatedly stated: China is NOT a threat to the US or to any other country. China is a tough, smart competitor, but it is not an “enemy.”
We need a world where competition is healthy; competition that forces us all to think outside the box, to understand that our youth is our future, and we invest more in our own youth to be innovative, to design and create, a competition that does not escalate into conflict and hostilities. The US, Europe, and China must find pathways of cooperation that benefit all, rather than fuelling divisions that serve only the interests of a select few.
The role of leadership in all of this is critical. Professor Babafemi Badejo has been blunt on the matter of leadership deficit, corruption, and mismanagement of resources. He has spent his career impacting knowledge for building governance structures in post-conflict situations. During my mission in Guinea-Bissau, we designed a strategic development plan that was meant to help Guinea-Bissau along the lines of development. However, time was too short to handle the crucial problem of leadership deficit in that country…
Similarly, Africa – and Nigeria in particular – must assert itself in this evolving world order. Rather than being a pawn in global rivalries, Nigeria should leverage its position to shape international trade, technology, and diplomatic partnerships that align with its developmental goals. Nigeria must define its interests, not have them dictated by others. A huge country, with the human and natural resources that Nigeria has, should not have anything to do with competing for paltry international aid that only builds dependency.
The role of leadership in all of this is critical. Professor Babafemi Badejo has been blunt on the matter of leadership deficit, corruption, and mismanagement of resources. He has spent his career impacting knowledge for building governance structures in post-conflict situations. During my mission in Guinea-Bissau, we designed a strategic development plan that was meant to help Guinea-Bissau along the lines of development. However, time was too short to handle the crucial problem of leadership deficit in that country to genuinely advance the course of the popular realisation of my friend’s pet expression: utmost freedom.
I love this term because, as Femi idealises, it is the summation of the welding together of two key United Nations documents: the Universal Declaration on Human Rights and the Sustainable Development Goals. Badejo’s works challenge us to rethink the very nature and utility of political power. Leaders must rise beyond the immediate gratification of elite interests and work towards a politics of collective progress as popular needs are reasonably met.
As the celebrant has resoundingly admonished, we must prioritise the pursuit of utmost freedom – a state in which development, human rights, peace/security, humanitarianism, and governance align – is not only desirable but necessary. This vision must guide authentic leadership grounded in the people as it navigates domestic and global interests.
Conclusion
As we honour Professor Babafemi Badejo today, let us draw from his ideas, thoughts, and impacts in scholarship and his dedication to good governance and development. Let us commit to re-examining power, rethinking governance, and reimagining a world where power serves the greater interests of a population, rather than a privileged few.
May God bless us all.
José Ramos-Horta, a Nobel Peace Laureate, is the president of Timor-Leste.
This is the text of his speech at the 70th birthday ceremony in honour of Professor Femi Badejo held at the University of Lagos today.
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