COUP SERIES ROUND-UP: What we know about alleged failed plot against Tinubu

Many Nigerians were quick to dismiss last year’s failed coup plot to topple the President Bola Tinubu administration as a ruse. Scanty information from the authorities, at best, painted only a hazy picture.

Others who considered it probable scrambled for details but only got more puzzling questions than answers.

Whether attempted, aborted or successful, coups are steeped in Nigeria’s history, leaving lasting impressions on its landscapes, and considerably shaping its trajectory. After 30 years’ break, another coup suddenly looming on the horizon last year jolted many who were conscious of its historical significance and implications for the nation’s future.

The news about the plot first emerged in October 2025 following the arrest of a group of serving and retired officers in late September. The Defence Headquarters initially described the arrests as part of a “routine internal process” to maintain discipline and professionalism in the military. It later acknowledged that the officers were being investigated over an alleged coup plot.

When the military finally admitted the plot publicly, only little more than what the public knew through scoops was said. Some more details emerged when some suspects were charged and their trials began at the General Court Martial and the Federal High Court in Abuja, but stubborn questions persisted.

Over 17 days, PREMIUM TIMES rolled out a series of detailed exclusive reports on the plot, uncovering missing pieces of the coup puzzle.

Starting from 25 July to 10 August , this newspaper published a 16-part series, drawing on about 7,400 pages of investigation records, including statements by suspects, bank records, secret notes, chat exchanges, receipts, hotel records and other exhibits.

These reports painted vivid mental images, chronicling for the first time an unbroken line of events – from the conception of the alleged plot to its collapse in  September – about the alleged coup.

In sum, the PREMIUM TIMES series revealed the events, key actors, and networks, offering the most detailed account of the plot yet.

From poring over the piles of documents and reporting them in the series, PREMIUM TIMES has endeavoured to provide details of the alleged conspiracy from the accounts of the participants, offering answers to some nagging questions those concerned about the plot have asked for months.

The alleged mastermind and coup motivations

At the centre of the alleged conspiracy was Mohammed Ma’aji, a Nigerian Army colonel who had served in many military formations.

Investigators identified him as the principal coordinator of the plot. His own account as contained in the documents exclusively obtained by this newspaper provides perhaps the clearest explanation of how he came to contemplate overthrowing the government.

Mr Ma’aji said he had twice failed in his bid for promotion to brigadier general—first in 2023 and again in 2024. He said the disappointment contributed to his decision to revive a movement to change the government.

But he also presented the proposed coup as a response to insecurity, pervasive corruption in the country, bad governance, suppression of critical voices of the youth, bad governance, what he considered the poor welfare and working conditions of serving and retired military personnel. He claimed that widespread frustration existed within the armed forces and that the desire for change was genuine.

He wrote of how he incessantly came under pressure from those he called “like minds” within the military.

However, some of the allies offered a less flattering picture of the man.

One officer told investigators that Mr Ma’aji’s alleged relationships with women and his reliance on Islamic clerics and traditional spiritualists made him question whether the colonel possessed the character and judgement required to lead a country. Another participant eventually dismissed him as a “joker” because of his failure to deliver on logistics for the execution of the plot.

Mr Ma’aji was eventually arrested on 29 September 2025 after military authorities allegedly used his long-running promotion ambition as bait. He said he was summoned to meet the then Chief of Army Staff, Olufemi Oluyede, about his promotion and arrived at Niger Barracks believing his career prospects were finally being addressed. But that was the last time he would walk freely.

Why did they want to overthrow Tinubu?

The documents suggest a mixture of personal frustration, military grievances and dissatisfaction with the government as the motivations behind the coup plot.

Mr Ma’aji told investigators that insecurity and the condition of military personnel were among his motivations. His secret notes also show that he wanted a future military government to address what he saw as shortcomings of the Tinubu administration.

The alleged conspirators were particularly interested in the removal of petrol subsidy, which has contributed to the persistent cost of living crisis in the country.

A handwritten document recovered from Mr Ma’aji contained an “Immediate Actions” section proposing a committee to review the fuel subsidy removal,  review salaries and wages of military and security personnel, and a mechanism for giving national recognition to fallen military heroes.

For years, military operatives—particularly the junior ranks who constitute the larger percentage of the country’s frontlines—have lamented about poor welfare. Many of them have taken their grievances to social media, actions that were met with condemnation by military authorities.

In what could not be directly associated with the coup plotters’ concerns, Mr Tinubu reviewed soldiers’ salaries, approving up to an 80 per cent increase.

The series also revealed motivational writings kept by Mr  Ma’aji, including quotations about courage, success, dreams and the pursuit of goals.

How the coup was supposed to happen

Investigators believed the alleged conspirators had developed an operational plan for the execution of their alleged plot.

The conspirators allegedly divided responsibilities among military officers and civilians. They also purchased vehicles suspected to be meant for use for the operation. Targets included the Presidential Villa, military formations, the residences of senior military commanders, Radio House, Air House and airports.

One officer was allegedly assigned to lead the operation at Aso Villa, while others were tasked with seizing military formations and securing strategic locations. Another was expected to take control of Radio House and deliver a broadcast announcing the takeover.

The alleged conspirators also used coded language. They referred to themselves as “farmers” and the movement as “farming”. While logistics were coded as “fertilisers,” the operation was “digital farming,” clerics were “technical partners,” and the execution day was “harvest.”

Proposed execution dates

There was no final date for the alleged coup when the plot was uncovered.

Three dates repeatedly appeared in the accounts of alleged participants: 27 September, 1 October and 4 October 2025.

In his statement to military interrogators, Mr Ma’aji mentioned “a month after” 1 October,  as another “possible D-Day,” the day of execution. 

One of Mr Ma’aji’s allies, Abdulkarim Ibrahim, a major, also told interrogators that Mr Ma’aji “mentioned that the availability of troops and equipment would determine which of the dates would be D-Day.”

The proposed execution time, which was referred to as “H-hour,” was between 1 a.m. and 2 a.m., which one suspect said was consistent with the timing of previous military takeovers.

Mr Ma’aji maintained that “no specific day was agreed” yet. 

The final date was to depend on the availability of troops, weapons and other logistics.

The significance of 1 October was heightened by the cancellation of Nigeria’s Independence Day parade in 2025. One suspect later admitted mocking President Tinubu over the cancellation without knowing that the authorities were already closing in on the alleged plot.

Logistics and manpower

The alleged conspirators understood that taking over the government would require more than a few officers.

The documents show plans to mobilise troops, gun trucks, ammunition, vehicles and other equipment from different military formations.

Some officers, including Shamsudeen Bappah, a lieutenant colonel, allegedly assured  Mr Ma’aji that they could provide troops and equipment. 

Mr Ma’aji said the use of Improvised Explosive Device (IED) was suggested to him, but that he ruled it out. He said  “it was Maj Iliyasu who said he had some Boko Haram technicians working in the theater to make IED, but I told him that it was not necessary.” 

Airports were also considered critical because the conspirators allegedly believed flights had to be stopped during the takeover. The plan included disrupting flight operations in Abuja and Lagos, and two officers were assigned this task: a Nigerian Air Force squadron leader, Noel Zuzu (Abuja) and Sunday Felix, a lieutenant (Lagos).

They also explored recruiting members of the Civilian Joint Task Force and repentant Boko Haram fighters in the North-east. The idea was attractive because some of these people had operational experience and access to weapons through counter-insurgency activities. Ma’aji said the idea originated from Major Ilyasu.

Money, sponsors and Timipre Sylva

One of the biggest revelations was the alleged financing network.

Mr Ma’aji told investigators that former Bayelsa State governor and former Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Timipre Sylva, was the principal financier.

Based on the records reviewed by PREMIUM TIMES, the interrogators believed that more than N5 billion was allegedly pooled in an account connected to the financing of the plot, while N785 million was allegedly transferred for execution before the conspiracy collapsed.

The funds allegedly moved through Purple Waves Limited and a bureau de change operator, who then disbursed money to people identified by Mr Ma’aji. Investigators alleged that some of the money came from proceeds linked to a Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) contract and loans obtained by Purple Waves.

PREMIUM TIMES found from the documents that the transfers of about N474.7 million had been disbursed to individuals and entities by the time the alleged plot was uncovered. These funds transfers took place from 10 to 30 September 2025, coming close to the two of the furthest dates insiders proposed to launch the coup strike. 

The money was allegedly used to support participants performing different roles and purchases of items needed for the planning and execution.

Among the alleged recipients were military officers, civilians and Islamic clerics. One officer assigned to the Presidential Villa allegedly received N10 million, while another assigned to airport-related operations allegedly received N5 million.

A retired naval captain, Erasmus Victor, also told investigators that  Mr Ma’aji asked him to approach wealthy individuals for financial support.

He said names including FCT Minister Nyesom Wike were mentioned, but he claimed he never approached any potential sponsor and instead told Mr Ma’aji that they had declined.

Mr Victor likely first became acquainted with Mr Wike when he served as the chairman of the Ogu/Bolo Local Government Area of Rivers State between 2018 and 2021 while Mr Wike was the governor.  

Spiritual backing

The alleged plot was not entirely built around guns, troops and money.

The investigation records show that Mr Ma’aji allegedly sought the support of Islamic clerics for spiritual protection and prayers.

One cleric, Goni Bukar, was allegedly paid about N50 million in several installments. The records described the payments as being for spiritual support for the alleged operation.

For some participants, the alleged mastermind’s reliance on spiritualists and clerics became a source of concern rather than confidence.

Mr Bappah told investigators that  Mr Ma’aji’s involvement with people he called “Malams” contributed to his doubts about the plot.

Could the execution have been violent?

It was clear from the statements of suspects that the suspected coupists intended to make the execution of the alleged plot as bloodless as possible.

Mr Ibrahim, the Army major who wrote in his statement to interrogators that he was assigned the task of making a nationwide broadcast after the alleged coupist’s anticipated takeover, said he cautioned Mr Ma’aji against any bloodshed.

He argued that history had shown successful coups generally relied on securing the cooperation of senior officers rather than eliminating them. Abulrahman Hayatu, a lieutenant-colonel, another insider, was also said to have opposed killing anyone.

Their operational blueprint gleaned from the suspected participants’ statements included interrupting flights, arresting top military officers at home and switching off the Presidential Villa’s power supply to sneak in seamlessly to make arrests.

But Mr Umoru, a Julius Berger Nigeria Plc employee in the Maintenance Department at the Presidential Villa, said he warned that such a sudden power outage would trigger investigations and the detention of workers on duty.

From Mr Umoru’s account, the level of force the alleged coup plotters planned to deploy was dependent on how much Villa insiders’ cooperation they could secure.

Mr Umoru, who shared his own perspective about the planned raid on the Villa in his videoed interrogation session played back in court, said after warning Mr Ma’aji that a sudden power outage at the presidential villa would trigger investigations and the detention of workers on duty, he said the alleged coup leader concluded that he might enter the Villa with force if the insiders failed to cooperate.

Also, the contemplation of the alleged coup planners to recruit Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) and repentant Boko Haram fighters to support operation during the coup execution meant the end result was unpredictable.

Repentant Boko Haram members and operatives of CJTF, a state-backed militia established to assist security forces in counter-insurgency operations in the North-east, could create a challenge of control for the alleged coup leaders, who were desperately looking for manpower, arms and logistic support.

Bringing them into the plot, meant the alleged coup could take a life of its own as the ragtag group brought for support could go about the operation as they liked.

Propaganda and manufacturing public support

The alleged planners understood that military control alone would not make a new government legitimate.

They therefore allegedly planned a propaganda operation to create the impression that Nigerians welcomed the takeover.

A veteran Nollywood actor, Stanley Amandi, told investigators that he was asked to coordinate public support across the South-east if the takeover succeeded.

His alleged assignment included organising celebrations and engaging social media influencers to spread messages supporting the new government. He was also asked to prepare a budget for the mobilisation.

The plan therefore extended beyond the seizure of government facilities. It allegedly envisaged a parallel information operation designed to influence how Nigerians perceived the takeover.

Who would run the new government?

The conspirators allegedly did not stop at planning the takeover. They discussed what would happen afterwards.

Mr Ma’aji was expected to become Head of Government if the operation succeeded. Other participants were allegedly promised positions. Ilyasu Jamilu, a major, wanted to become an aide-de-camp; Mr Felix was promised a ministerial position, while Mr Bappah requested to head the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC).

A proposed takeover broadcast was also being prepared.

The alleged regime’s first actions were contained in Ma’aji’s handwritten notes: review fuel subsidy removal, review salaries and wages of military and security personnel, and honour fallen military personnel.

How they communicated

The alleged conspirators were conscious that ordinary telephone calls could expose them, so they used encrypted platforms like WhatsApp and Zangi.

WhatsApp was used for some communications, but many of them said Mr Ma’aji also introduced Zangi, a messaging application considered more secure.

Retired naval captain Victor told investigators that he downloaded Zangi specifically to communicate with Mr Ma’aji and another officer.

The investigators’ examination of these digital communications became part of the evidence used to reconstruct the relationships, discussions and roles within the alleged network.

Doubts, hesitation and regret

Perhaps the most revealing thread running through the 16 reports is that not everyone involved appeared convinced that the coup would succeed.

Some participants said they questioned Mr Ma’aji’s ability to raise money or provide the logistics required for the operation.

Bayawo Abdullahi, a naval lieutenant commander, said he became so sceptical that he stopped responding to Mr Ma’aji’s messages. Yet he later regretted not reporting the plan to authorities.

Mr Victor, who is among six persons facing charges stemming from the alleged coup plot at the Federal High Court in Abuja, said he repeatedly advised Mr Ma’aji against the coup. He added that he also counselled Mr Ma’aji to retire from the military if securing a promotion continued to prove hard. He said further that at one point he suspected that the whole scheme might be a fraud designed to defraud wealthy people, knowing that the victims would not be able to report to authorities.

Mr Bappah said Mr Ma’aji’s alleged promiscuity and reliance on Islamic clerics and spiritual practices caused him to question his ability to lead Nigeria.

Yet several of those who expressed doubts still attended meetings, received money or remained silent.

Alleged conspirators’ recommendations to prevent future coup attempt 

Beyond the proposed military takeover, the documents reveal what some of the alleged conspirators believed Nigeria needed.

Mr Ma’aji’s recommendation was elaborate. The disgruntled officer, among other things, called for improved welfare, better education, reversal of fuel subsidy removal and elimination of godfatherism in the military, corruption and budget padding.

Some of them also recommended a platform where personnel can present their concerns without fear of being targeted by senior officers.

But these proposals were attached to a plan to overthrow an elected government rather than pursue change through constitutional means.

Investigation continues

The 16 reports do not establish a completed coup. Rather, they reveal an alleged conspiracy that authorities say was disrupted before execution.

Several suspects are facing prosecution before the General Court-Martial and the Federal High Court in Abuja.

Importantly, defendants before the Federal High Court have challenged the admissibility of their extrajudicial statements and video exhibits, arguing that they were obtained in circumstances that violated legal safeguards. The prosecution has urged the court to admit the evidence.

The allegations against individuals named in the reports therefore remain subject to judicial determination.

Read the teaser story for the PREMIUM TIMES series of exclusive reports on the failed coup plot here, and the complete exposés here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here, here,  here, and here.