On 27 January, over 100 female prisoners were raped and then burnt to death during a mass jailbreak at Munzenze Prison in Goma, in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Their assailants had set fire to the jail to aid their escape after prison authorities fled as M23 rebels approached the city.
This was the latest in a series of rapes of women inmates during jailbreaks, and one of many incidents of sexual violence used as a weapon of war in the DRC’s long-running conflict. In 2024 Human Rights Watch reported that: ‘Sexual violence is a chronic problem in Congo’s prisons,’ which are heavily overcrowded and poorly managed.
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Over the past decade, the DRC has consistently recorded the highest rates of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) worldwide. Widespread violence in the east of the country affects women and girls, and increasingly boys, with all conflict actors implicated.
While the scale and frequency of assaults in the DRC stand out, similar patterns occur in other African countries. In South Sudan, Sudan, Ethiopia and Nigeria, armed groups have targeted women and girls, and increasingly infants, in mass and gang rapes – often in front of families and community members.
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State security actors, including peacekeepers mandated to protect civilians and ensure accountability for such crimes, are often the perpetrators of CRSV. In the Central African Republic (CAR), peacekeepers have been implicated in sexual exploitation and abuse, adding to an already dire situation in which armed groups use rape as a tool of war.
A mix of ideological and structural factors fuels these trends. Armed groups use CRSV against women and girls to terrorise, humiliate and control communities. Rape is often embedded in broader war strategies, including mass displacement, collective punishment and genocide. CRSV also magnifies high levels of sexual and gender-based violence that occur during peacetime.
A lack of robust data – owing to stigma, poor reporting mechanisms, and the absence of survivor-centred justice systems – camouflages the true scope and scale of CRSV, although available figures are horrifying enough to warrant action.
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While policy and legal frameworks exist, including national laws and action plans on women’s safety, they tend to be poorly implemented, and many African states’ justice infrastructure is weak, especially during conflict. CRSV is often seen as collateral damage and not taken seriously.
The effects of CRSV transcend the violence it imposes on victims’ bodies. Nobel Peace Prize laureate Denis Mukwege describes rape as a ‘weapon of mass destruction’ that shatters not only the victims but leaves deep physical and psychological scars for generations. It also reflects a failure of human rights efforts, notably the UN’s Women, Peace and Security Agenda and the Responsibility to Protect.
At the national level, governments in conflict-affected countries have been slow to act, often due to weak institutions, corruption, a lack of political will, and a failure to prioritise sexual violence in general. And although civil society organisations support survivors and advocate for policy changes, their efforts are often hampered by limited resources and political opposition.
In the DRC, local and national authorities have repeatedly failed to bring perpetrators to justice. Sudan and South Sudan’s governments have also struggled to implement reforms or provide adequate protection for vulnerable populations, including men and boys. Patriarchy and masculinity myths mask the reality of male survivors, perpetuating ‘hierarchies of rape’ that see men and boys excluded from survivor-driven responses.
Regionally, although initiatives such as the African Union’s (AU) protocol on the rights of women set out commitments to combat sexual violence, implementation remains inconsistent. The AU’s recent adoption of the Convention on Ending Violence Against Women and Girls is hailed as a milestone, but it isn’t yet publicly accessible. Its success hinges on effective domestication, robust enforcement and adequate financial investment.
Efforts globally to address the causes of CRSV and ensure justice for victims have proven inadequate. International responses, including peacekeeping missions, human rights initiatives, and the UN Framework for the Prevention of CRSV, have made some strides but fall short in scope and effectiveness.
Another problem is the lack of transparency among some international actors. An Africa-based humanitarian activist told ISS Today: ‘The UN won’t open up to you. The issue is sensitive and there is a lot of corruption.’ The activist said implementation of CRSV-related measures was poor, not least due to the conflict between women’s human rights and local or traditional mindsets and norms about sexual and gender-based violence.
The involvement of some AU and UN peacekeepers in sexual exploitation and abuse undermines the credibility of international interventions.
Future interventions must treat CRSV as a deliberate tactic of war, not collateral damage. This requires responses that have political backing, are survivor-led and rooted in peace and security agendas.
CRSV must be prioritised in peace negotiations and security sector reform. Political and military actors must ensure that conflict parties commit to investigating and prosecuting sexual violence cases, vetting security personnel, and barring those with known records of abuse from positions of authority.
To achieve this, governments must domesticate and implement the AU Convention on Ending Violence Against Women and Girls so its provisions become binding in law. To facilitate such national action, the AU must publish the convention.
READ ALSO: Africa and its unending wars: From Sudan to the DRC, By Adeoye O. Akinola
It is also vital to examine the efficacy of mechanisms to monitor compliance with national, regional and continental frameworks. At the country level, justice and accountability institutions must be capacitated to investigate and prosecute CRSV and enforce disciplinary action against perpetrators and facilitators of such crimes. Community-based reporting and referral mechanisms led by civil society must be strengthened, particularly where the risk of armed conflict is high.
Finally, preventive rather than reactive approaches must be explored, which requires paying more attention to CRSV’s root causes and the voices of survivors.
Dr Titilope Àjàyí, Senior Researcher and Emmaculate A Liaga, Researcher, Institute for Security Studies (ISS), Addis Ababa
(This article was first published by ISS Today, a Premium Times syndication partner. We have their permission to republish).
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