Bandits continue attacks in Sokoto, Katsina despite local peace deals, military operations

Months after many communities in Katsina State entered local peace arrangements with armed groups, renewed attacks, abductions and displacement are testing those arrangements and the security measures meant to protect rural residents.

Across southern Katsina and neighbouring Sokoto State, many people have been killed, kidnapped or forced from their homes in recent weeks. Farmers in some areas are afraid to go to their fields, and livestock have been stolen.

Security agencies have responded with extra deployments, rescue operations and raids on suspected bandit hideouts.

Results vary by location. Some communities report improvements after local negotiations and security operations. Troops have rescued some abducted residents and say they have disrupted planned attacks. Elsewhere, families remain displaced, and the attacks continue.

Casualty and displacement figures remain fluid and often rest on local accounts that are difficult to verify independently. Available evidence does not show that fighters displaced by military operations in Zamfara are driving the renewed violence elsewhere.

Attack after troops blocked bandits’ advance

The pressure is sharpest in the Rabah Local Government Area of Sokoto State.

In the early hours of 7 September, suspected bandits attacked Tofa, killing residents, abducting others and rustling livestock. Reports put the death toll at between seven and 10, while estimates of those abducted ranged from 35 to about 40.

Sokoto police spokesperson Ahmad Rufai confirmed the attack to PREMIUM TIMES, but had not provided final figures when the newspaper reported the incident.

The Tofa attack came about a week after troops said they intercepted armed men advancing towards Ghandi, a community in Rabah. On 30 August, eight farmers were killed, and five were injured in an attack in Ghandi, according to police figures. Days later, Operation FANSAN YAMMA said troops intercepted another group of armed men moving towards the community.

The interception did not prevent the later attack on Tofa. No evidence links the men stopped near Ghandi to those who attacked Tofa.

When PREMIUM TIMES contacted army spokesperson Olaniyi Osoba, he declined to talk discuss military operations over the telephone and invited the reporter to the 8 Division headquarters in Sokoto.

Repeated attacks empty Sokoto communities

Further south in Kebbe Local Government Area, the consequences are clearer.

On 4 September, the police confirmed that five people had been killed and three injured in an attack on Girkau and neighbouring communities the previous day.

The attack followed reports that suspected bandits had demanded ₦40 million from residents of Kebbe town. Mr Rufai confirmed that police were aware of the demand and said the Anti-Kidnapping Unit was investigating.

Girkau later came under another attack.

By mid-September, the Kebbe Local Government Council said it was providing food and cash assistance to 150 households displaced from Ungushi, Girkau, Margai, Kebbe East, Kebbe West and other affected communities.

Council chairman Musa Garba Kuchi said displaced families were taking refuge in Kebbe. The district head of the town, Lawal Margai, also acknowledged that insecurity had forced residents from their communities.

Mr Kuchi said improved security operations had encouraged some residents to return, but the council did not identify the communities or say how many households had returned. At least 150 assisted households remained displaced in Kebbe town.

Displacement without camps

A similar pattern is unfolding across southern Katsina, though much of the displacement is harder to count.

Residents fleeing attacks in Bakori, Funtua, Faskari and Dandume have mostly moved in with relatives rather than gathering in formal camps. Many families have relocated to Dandume town, Funtua, Yan-Kara, Mairuwa, Katsina, Zaria and Kano.

The scattered movement makes the scale less visible.

Reports that as many as 15 communities around Dandume had been deserted have been disputed. Dandume council chairman Bishir Sabiu said no community between Dandume and Funtua had been completely deserted, though he acknowledged the insecurity.

Mr Sabiu confirmed a recent attack on Takalamawa in which three residents were killed, and three were injured. He also said vigilantes and community patrol members killed three suspected attackers.

IOM data

An International Organisation for Migration assessment of attacks between 9 and 14 August in Bakori, Dandume and Jibia recorded 2,723 people affected across 629 households. Of that number, 1,535 people from 218 households were displaced, comprising 697 children, 495 women and 343 men.

The affected settlements included Labo Kankia in Bakori; Magaji Wondo Dansuda, Gyazamar, Bokolo and Unguwar Rimin Jiruwa in Dandume; and Daddara in Jibia.

The assessment does not break the figures down by local government area, so the 1,535 cannot be attributed to Dandume alone.

Peace agreements face test

Several communities had previously participated in local peace arrangements.

On 20 September 2025, representatives of Sabuwa and Dandume reportedly entered a ceasefire with armed groups.

Weeks later, representatives from Bakori, Funtua, Kafur, Malumfashi and Kankara met armed-group leaders at Kakumi in Bakori Local Government Area.

Among the community representatives were Abdurrahman Kandarawa of Bakori and Audu Goya of Funtua. The representatives of the armed groups were reported to include Ado Aleru of Yankuzo in Zamfara, Isiya Kwashen Garwa of Guga Ward in Bakori, Babaro of Gidan Gamji and Iliya Zango Dan Sabau.

The meeting reportedly ended with commitments to end hostilities, restore order and pursue peaceful coexistence.

The Katsina State Government has insisted these arrangements should not be read as negotiations between the government and armed groups.

Governor Dikko Radda described the approach as community-driven peace accords, initiated by communities. He said the government supports efforts to restore peace but continues security operations against groups that remain active.

There were early signs of benefit. In November 2025, the Funtua council chairman said five captives had been released without ransom after the agreement.

By December, however, residents interviewed by PREMIUM TIMES in some rural communities were already questioning whether the arrangements could deliver lasting security as attacks continued.

Reports in early September described killings, abductions and livestock theft across Bakori, Funtua, Faskari and Dandume. In Bakori, residents reported attacks on Gidan Na Kaura, Yar Tukunya, Unguwar Gambo and Gidan Sarkin.

In Faskari, community leader Abubakar Aliyu said security had improved after local negotiations, with some residents returning home and farming and commercial activity resuming.

The agreements were reached with particular communities and commanders, meaning they did not necessarily bind every armed group operating in the affected areas. Establishing whether recent attacks constitute breaches, therefore, requires identifying the attackers and determining whether they or their commanders were parties to the agreements.

The relationship between the local agreements and continuing security operations adds a further layer of complexity.

In September, the police said air and ground operations in Katsina killed seven suspected associates of Ado Aleru, one of the bandits reported to have taken part in the Kakumi meeting.

The development shows how the two approaches can operate simultaneously: communities may pursue agreements with particular armed-group leaders while security agencies continue operations against people they allege are associated with those leaders.

More troops, but attacks continue

The Katsina State Government has responded by reviewing security arrangements in the southern part of the state.

On 9 September, senior security officials met in Funtua to assess conditions across Funtua, Faskari, Sabuwa and Dandume.

Police later deployed additional personnel and an armoured personnel carrier to the zone and announced intensified joint operations, intelligence sharing, rapid response and community policing.

On 14 September, armed men abducted residents from Unguwan Daudu and Unguwan Chibauna in Funtua.

Operation FANSAN YAMMA said troops pursued the attackers, engaged them and rescued 10 captives, comprising three males and seven females, including an infant.

On 17 September, another abduction occurred along the Dandume-Damari axis. Troops responded to a distress call, engaged the attackers and rescued three men, recovering their vehicle.

The military did not identify the attackers or link them to the earlier Funtua abduction.

On 15 September, troops acting on intelligence about a planned attack on communities in Matazu and Kankara raided a suspected hideout.

The military said two suspected fighters were killed, including Abbah Alhassan, whom it described as a known terrorist kingpin.

Two other suspects were arrested around Yantumaki in Dan Musa. According to the military, preliminary interrogation linked them to a commander known as Mannori.

The same military statement said 21 abducted residents were rescued in a separate operation around Fafala and Dandikwa in Kebbi State. Together with the 10 from Funtua, that produced the widely reported figure of 31 rescued captives, though the rescues occurred in separate operations.

Displacement crosses state boundaries

The effects of the violence do not end when families escape an attack.

Three residents, who requested anonymity for fear of reprisals, separately confirmed to PREMIUM TIMES that people displaced from communities in Tureta Local Government Area of Sokoto State have crossed into neighbouring Zamfara, particularly Gummi, while others have relocated to Tureta town and other locations.

The sources asked not to be named for security reasons.

Their accounts corroborate findings by Daily Trust, which interviewed displaced residents from the affected communities.

Umar Abubakar, a trader from Dan Gulbi, told Daily Trust he fled to Gummi in Zamfara after an attack on his community about three months earlier.

His brother was killed, his provision shop was burnt, and he sold some of his remaining livestock to raise ₦250,000 for six months’ rent for a two-bedroom house in Gummi.

Another displaced resident, Muhd Dan Gulbi, estimated that up to 1,000 people from the area were living in Gummi, some in rented accommodation and others in primary schools and an Eid ground.

In another part of Tureta, a resident of Gidan Kare told the newspaper that most residents had fled into Tureta town after months of attacks. He estimated that 97 per cent of the village had been displaced.

The account named Lofa, Tsamiya and Doma among the affected communities.

Those places also appear among the origins of families assisted by the Centre for Peoples Health, Peace and Progress (3Ps). The organisation said it assisted 106 displaced households, including 397 children, from Doma, Rafin Gero, Tsamiya, Lofa, Dabegi, Jurga, Dakku, Damri and Kuruwa.

The Daily Trust accounts and the 3Ps data cover some of the same communities, making the extent of any overlap unclear. Both, however, document displacement from communities around Tureta, including movement across the Sokoto-Zamfara boundary.

Farmers count cost

Displaced residents and community sources who spoke to PREMIUM TIMES said attacks had separated families from farmland, livestock, businesses and local markets, forcing some residents to depend on casual work after fleeing their communities.

The sources, who requested anonymity because they feared reprisals, described abandoned farms and businesses, livestock losses and difficulties returning to communities where attacks remained a threat.

Their accounts are consistent with those of displaced residents interviewed by Daily Trust.

In Sabon Birni, Abubakar Usman, who fled Tsamaye with his wife and four children, told Daily Trust that he abandoned five farms, two plots of land and a phone-accessories business after an attack on his community.

Another displaced resident, Isa Mai Yadi, said his family abandoned 11 farms.

In Goronyo, a displaced veterinarian said livestock rustling had made it impossible for him to return to his former livelihood.

Other displaced residents described turning to masonry, gathering firewood and grass, or casual farm labour to feed their families.

Housing costs have added another burden.

Displaced residents interviewed in Gummi reported paying between ₦250,000 for six months and ₦500,000 annually for accommodation. In Tureta town, one resident said increased demand had pushed the cost of a three-room house to about ₦100,000 a month.

The figures reflect individual residents’ experiences rather than prevailing rental costs across the affected communities.

There are also allegations of more direct interference with farming.

Mr Mai Yadi alleged that an armed-group leader known as Jamu Baki had for years exercised control over his community and compelled residents to farm and sell seeds and fertiliser to him.

PREMIUM TIMES has not independently corroborated the allegation against Mr Baki.

Elsewhere in the North-west, residents have reported that armed groups impose levies as a condition for accessing farmland. Different groups operate in different places; there is no evidence that the levy demands recorded in Sokoto and Zamfara come from the same network.

Years away from home

PREMIUM TIMES also confirmed through community sources that some families displaced by insecurity in parts of Sokoto have remained away from their communities for several years.

The sources, who requested anonymity for security reasons, said prolonged insecurity and fears of renewed attacks continued to prevent some residents from returning permanently.

Daily Trust separately interviewed residents of a displacement settlement in Goronyo who said some families had been away from their communities for between four and eight years.

At a displaced persons settlement in Goronyo, some residents told Daily Trust they had lived away from their communities for between four and eight years.

The chairman of the 200-housing camp, Yakubu Adamu, said it contained 5,764 residents as of 12 March 2026 and housed people from 19 villages.

Recent attacks are creating new displacement in parts of Sokoto, but they sit alongside a population that has already spent years unable to return home.

Any assessment of improving security must therefore account not only for reductions in attacks, but also for whether people displaced over several years can return safely and rebuild their livelihoods.

Are armed groups moving between states?

Military operations in Zamfara and along adjoining corridors have raised the question of whether pressure in one area is pushing fighters into neighbouring states.

Security agencies have reported intercepting suspected fuel and ammunition suppliers and other logistics networks along corridors linking parts of Zamfara, Katsina and Kaduna, indicating that at least some support networks operate across state boundaries.

Security analyst Yahuza Getso told Daily Trust he believed pressure from operations in Katsina and Zamfara had contributed to the movement of some armed groups into Sokoto.

He said agencies in neighbouring states had increasingly carried out operations at the groups’ hideouts and argued that the resulting pressure had increased movement towards Sokoto.

Mr Getso’s assessment offers one explanation for the changing pattern of violence, but PREMIUM TIMES found no operational evidence linking the perpetrators of the recent Rabah or Kebbe attacks to fighters displaced from Katsina or Zamfara.

Recent attacks inside Zamfara further complicate a simple displacement theory.

On 12 September, six Islamic clerics were abducted along the Dakko-Damri feeder road in Bakura while travelling towards Talata Mafara, according to the Zamfara State Police Command.

The military rejected initial reports that the victims were taken from the residence of former governor Abdul’aziz Yari.

Between 16 and 17 September, communities around Dansadau in Maru came under attack.

Published accounts put the death toll at between 13 and 15; another report said as many as 33 people were feared killed. Residents also described substantial displacement into Dansadau town.

There is no evidence connecting the perpetrators of the Dansadau attacks to the recent violence in Sokoto or southern Katsina.

Accounts that some communities around Dansadau had struggled to access farmland for a prolonged period suggest an established local security crisis rather than, by themselves, evidence of newly arrived fighters.

Tactical gains, unresolved insecurity

Security forces have carried out rescues, arrests, and successful operations across the affected states. Local agreements have brought periods of relative calm to some communities. Recent attacks and displacement, however, show the limits of those gains.

In Tofa, some residents were killed and abducted days after troops reported stopping armed men advancing towards nearby Ghandi. In Kebbe, local authorities are supporting 150 displaced households even as they report that some residents are beginning to return.

In southern Katsina, additional personnel and an armoured vehicle have been deployed while troops continue responding to kidnappings, including the rescues in Funtua and along the Dandume-Damari axis.

In Tureta, displaced residents described another struggle after escaping attacks: finding shelter, feeding their families and surviving without access to the farms, livestock and businesses they left behind.

The repeated rescues show an ability to pursue kidnappers. The recurrence of abductions in the same broader theatre raises a different question: whether additional deployments are preventing attacks or mainly improving the ability of security forces to respond after attacks have already occurred.

The evidence does not show one bandit army sweeping across the North-west. It instead points to interconnected security theatres in which armed groups and their logistical networks can operate across boundaries, while local truces and security operations yield different outcomes from one community to another.

For residents, the measure of progress remains practical: whether attacks are prevented rather than merely answered, whether displaced families can return permanently, whether farmers can cultivate without risking abduction or coercive levies, and whether communities can rebuild the livelihoods they abandoned because of the violence.