Nigerian electricity privatisation: The crocodile tears of Oshiomhole, By Ahmed Aminu-Ramatu Yusuf 

Let Nigerians critically reflect on why Oshiomhole is shedding crocodile tears on the electricity privatisation, which he fought for and over which he had irreconcilable differences with Precious Kiri-Kalio, his deputy president, in the NLC. 

Edo North Senator, Adams Oshiomhole, spoke ferociously against the 11-year electricity sector privatisation. He characterised it as “more of a disaster” and “a failure” because it has imposed “undue financial burdens on Nigerians”, made Nigerians to “suffer”, and be “helpless”! He gave examples of the corrupt and exploitative practices of the electricity distribution companies (DisCos) 

Oshiomhole’s criticism is in order. But, he deserves no compliment for he was complicit in imposing this situation on Nigerians. First, Oshiomhole’s criticism was the most elementary critique that the National Union of Electricity Employees (NUEE), Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC), and their allies in the students and professional movements made throughout the 1980s and 1990s against the moves to privatise electricity. 

They had argued that the privatisation of electricity would lead to mass job losses because the society relied heavily on it, and needed it to be available, accessible and affordable. They argued that the primary purpose of the privatisation was neither service nor development of the sector, but exploitation and profit-making. 

They pointed out that under no circumstance should state monopoly be replaced by private monopoly, whose chief concern is to primitively accumulate capital, greedily harvest profits where they did not labour, and shamelessly plunder the vast properties, including lands, houses, equipment, facilities, and vehicles scattered across the country of the Nigeria Electricity Power Authority (NEPA). 

They posited that state actors would sell the sector to themselves, their family relations, friends, or/and cronies. This, they argued, would increase the cost of doing business, grow inflation, lead to de-industrialisation, worsen peoples’ conditions, and further underdevelop Nigeria. Besides, they noted, Nigeria lacked the regulatory capacity to discipline the private sector in the event of abuse and failure. 

The NLC and its allies did not only criticise electricity privatisation, they also publicly protested against it. Students, from the mid-1980s to mid-1990s, organised, mobilised and led artisans, traders, the unemployed, lumpen elements, and workers, against privatisation in its totality. Some of them were abducted, illegally detained and imprisoned, and physically maimed by the police and military.

The NUEE equally argued that electricity is too critical a business to be left to the private sector, as it is the propeller of modernisation, industrialisation, and development. It posited that government should rather be concerned with electrifying the entire federation, which is only 30 per cent electrified. The workers also argued that Nigerians, irrespective of any divide, are entitled to affordable electricity. 

They pointed out that successive governments failed NEPA, as they progressively underfunded electricity, ceaselessly and unnecessarily interfered in its operational and financial affairs, and regularly imposed highly inexperienced and unqualified people to run its affairs. They also pointed out that government establishments, especially State Houses, as well as military and other security establishments, did not pay their electricity bills. 

NUEE added that NEPA played a progressive role in country’s all-round development. Part of NEPA’s successes, they pointed out, was that it successfully connected all the power stations and substations in the country by a network to the national grid; rolled out a total of 11,000 kilometres of transmission line throughout the country; installed and distributed transformers and relevant facilities for even distribution of electricity throughout our country; and strived to provide regular electricity supply to academic institutions, hospitals, security agencies, industries, media houses, and other economic power houses, amongst others. 

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When in 1988 the electricity senior staff, out of frustration with the government abandonment of the sector and refusal to carry out even basic maintenance, went on strike, government abducted eleven of their leaders. These patriots were hauled before the Military Tribunal in Jos, and sentenced to death! It was the intense national and international campaigns that stopped the Babangida military regime from executing them. But they were incarcerated in Kaduna Prisons. 

The NLC had also suffered from military persecution. In March 1988, its leadership headed by Ali Chiroma was proscribed. A personnel administrator of John Holt Group – a subsidiary of the multinational Lonrho – Chief Michael Ogunkoya, was appointed to “restructure” NLC! The “restructured” NLC was handed over to fissiparous and cantankerous labour leaders. First to Paschal Bafyau, and then Oshiomhole himself.

Both men as NLC President and Deputy President, contrary to the movement’s philosophy, policy, and the views of rank-and-file workers, compromised workers’ positions and struggles against privatisation. They dragged the NLC into the National Council on Privatisation (NCP), charged with the privatisation of state-owned enterprises! 

Oshiomhole’s active participation and inglorious membership of the NCP saw the extraordinary looting of our collective resources, the plundering of our commonwealth by government officials and their cronies, and the unprecedented retrenchment of workers, most of who were not paid their entitlements. 

Over the years, the NLC itself greatly suffered, as its public respect significantly diminished. It became industrially tattered, politically battered, and its image tarnished. Its leadership became divided, and rank-and-file shattered. Calamities which NLC is just recovering from beginning 2023.

Oshiomhole campaigned for the failed transformation of General Sani Abacha from a vicious military dictator to a civilian president. As NLC President, he shamelessly supported President Olusegun Obasanjo’s desperate attempts to subvert the 1999 Constitution and acquire a third-term presidency.  

Oshiomhole was in the forefront in registering Labour Party, but, in contesting the Edo State Governorship election, he hopped to the All Nigeria Peoples Party, then the Action Congress/Action Congress of Nigeria. He ran to the Peoples’ Democratic Party to look for Governorship ticket. When refused, he vilified Chief Tony Anenih, accusing him of “godfatherism”. Ironically, his attempts to become the “godfather” of Edo politics was resisted by the Governor he installed, Edo political gladiators, and the electorate. ] 

As Governor of Edo State, Oshiomhole pressured NLC to support electricity privatisation, because: “Nigeria is at the threshold of total economic collapse and certainly the nation cannot continue with business as usual”. He allayed fears that the privatisation would result in job losses, as: “industries (will come) back to life” and, “jobs in the sector would be more than double.” 

Similarly, as governor, Oshiomhole, according to Kunle Wizeman Ajayi, conducted: “the largest casualization of the work force by any state government thus far. More than 50,000 workers, employed through the Youth Employment Scheme (YES) in 2009, were sacked in 2015 when Oshiomhole claimed on television that he “picked them” from the “gutters”.” He also violently prevented Edo workers from embarking on strike. 

As National Chairman of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) Oshiomhole tirelessly used the renegade labour leaders he had planted: “to ensure that general strikes are virtually forbidden under the strong-handed rule of the APC.”

So, does Oshiomhole’s submission in the Senate, that: “the ill-conceived, ill-executed privatisation” be radically reviewed “in line with a new agenda of Mr. President”, aimed at the revocation of the privatisation and its award to themselves, their children and their cronies have a ring of sincerity? 

Why is he not demanding for a thorough investigation of electricity privatisation by respectable and politically non-partisan Nigerians? Why did he not raise the non-payment of the privatised electricity workers’ entitlements? 

Let Nigerians critically reflect on why Oshiomhole is shedding crocodile tears on the electricity privatisation, which he fought for and over which he had irreconcilable differences with Precious Kiri-Kalio, his deputy president, in the NLC. 

Ahmed Aminu-Ramatu Yusuf worked as deputy director, Cabinet Affairs Office, The Presidency, and retired as General Manager (Administration), Nigerian Meteorological Agency, (NiMet). Email: aaramatuyusuf@yahoo.com