The Plateau of crises and death, By Dakuku Peterside

Plateau’s internecine conflict has been a particularly vicious chapter in Nigeria’s history of ethnic and religious conflicts. The scale of conflict in the State since 1999/2000 represents the most perverse triumph of extreme ethnic discord, religious fundamentalism, and sentimentalism. Plateau is not alone; the entire Middle Belt of the country has the unenviable record for similar reasons.

Plateau State was so named for a reason. It is approximately the centre of Nigeria and the midpoint between the Christian and Muslim civilisations in Nigeria, a convergence location of settlers and indigenous people, a battleground between farmers and herders, and a clash point between indigenous culture and foreign civilisation. For this and other reasons, it occupies a special place in geography classes. Those who journey through the Plateau and its enclave leave the place with great memories of its unique scenery, wild sanctuaries, meandering hills, notable waterfalls, and striking rocks. These features of the landmark earned the State the sobriquet of, “The home of peace and tourism”. I know about its status as the home of tourism as a fact, but I cannot say so of its peaceful disposition, since the advent of the current democratic era in 1999. Peace has eluded the State that I once enjoyed going to for vacations with my late uncle, Gally Brown- Peterside (SAN).

Plateau’s internecine conflict has been a particularly vicious chapter in Nigeria’s history of ethnic and religious conflicts. The scale of conflict in the State since 1999/2000 represents the most perverse triumph of extreme ethnic discord, religious fundamentalism, and sentimentalism. Plateau is not alone; the entire Middle Belt of the country has the unenviable record for similar reasons. The past and recent conflict in the Plateau can be traced to three main causes. The first is the issue of agricultural land; the second is the attempt to establish political authority by those referred to as settlers, and the resistance by the indigenous populations; while the third reason pertains to religion and, particularly, the conflict between Hausa-Fulani Muslim jihadists and Christian militancy.

We need a bit of context at this point. To understand the problems in Plateau State, one must go back to history and see how the Plateau was once a melting pot for the nation, which attracted people from all over the world. Indeed, it was a hub of economic activities during the pre-colonial and colonial periods, due to the preoccupation with mining. Thus, we had diverse people who peacefully dwelt in Plateau State and made it their home. Indeed, the hospitality of the indigenous people of Plateau State is evident in how they accepted and lived with their guests, who went on to become rooted residents. This openness to visitors explains why many villages and towns in Plateau, which had indigenous names took other names, mainly Hausa ones. Examples include Barkin Ladi, Dadin-Kowa, Tudun Wada, Mararaban Jama’a, Gangare, and Maikatako.

Gradually, the situation began to take a new turn when those described as “settlers” began to assert and demand political power on the basis of being “Indigenes”, due to their extended stay in the State. This action began to awaken the consciousness of the indigenous people, who decided to resist such moves. With the advent of democracy in 1999, politicians exacerbated the arguments on the rights to political power in the State, whilst exploiting religion and ethnicity as ways of gaining public sympathy. Some of them quickly drew the lines of “we (indigenes) versus them (settlers)”. Unfortunately, this narrative created and built up mistrust between people who had lived together for several years, carried out joint businesses, inter-married, and even converted across religions to each other’s faith, in some cases.

To worsen the situation, other interests from outside the State, including state forces, compounded the problem by interfering in ways that the two segments of the population felt were unfair. For instance, some people saw the creation of the Jos North Local Government by the Babangida regime as a ploy to cede the commercial capital to the “Hausa/Fulani Settlers”, a perception that exists till date and remains strong.

The follow up passions fuelled the outbreak of violence in 2001, which found fertile grounds in people’s minds and led to the crises that have remained till present. Along the line, criminality took over, and people began to attack their perceived enemies and create segregated communities. Each side of the divide raised its own “militia” to defend its people and interests. Unfortunately, government at the federal and state levels did not take decisive stands against the conflict. Compounding the interregnum has been the ongoing challenge of “herdsmen and bandits”, who are rampaging through various parts of the country.

The current attacks on the plateau that have raised the national red flag, follow the same trajectory of attacks and reprisals. This pattern was evident in Bassa, Riyom, Jos North, Barkin Ladi and other places. The real identities of the attackers and sponsors remain unknown, despite the plethora of security agencies in the country. On both sides of the divide, the issue is centered around agricultural land, which explains why the situation is usually more drastic during the farming season.

The unending crisis in Jos North Local Government Area and Plateau State is an offshoot of the ‘indigene/ settler’ problem. This archaic situation, which has largely disappeared in many modern societies, assumes that indigenous groups need to control power and resources in a particular place, like a state or local government, to the exclusion of migrants. This kind of situation naturally gives rise to protests…

The consequence is that as violence recurs, spatial divisions and discrimination highlight social and political divisions, making people become more conscious of their sub-national solidarities and allegiances, which they are then more forthcoming in expressing.

The ongoing ethnic-religious crisis in Jos and other areas in Plateau and Benue States is another pointer to how divisiveness is widening in the land. It highlights the deepening intolerance amongst Nigerians of diverse religious beliefs and ethnicity. The Plateau crisis depicts a country perpetually at the precipice of one form of disaster or the other; a nation that sits on a tinderbox, with subsequent problems just around the corner. The recent events in Jos show that we are now living in a dysfunctional society and the lives of ordinary Nigerians are no longer worth much.

The ‘merchants of violence’ in Plateau State are allegedly the ones fueling the crisis there. And, they include politicians, ethnic and religious leaders, who feed on the poverty, illiteracy and, most importantly, sentiments of their followers, who they instigate to violence in order to achieve popularity, acceptance and economic gains.

The allegation of religious/ethnic cleansing finds credence in the pattern of attacks and the perceived attackers. Some observers assume that the attacks by suspected terrorists in Plateau State is religiously motivated and an attempt to wipe out the indigenous Christians. While other observers feel that there may be a plan by militant Christain groups to wipe out the Fulani/Hausa Muslims because of their religious and ethnic backgrounds. However, the situation is always blown out of proportion and exploited for economic and political gains by conflict entreprenuers.

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The consequences of the renewed killings in Plateau State is glaring for all to see. These crisis can potentially spread to other Middle Belt states and inadvertently become the default model for dealing with the conflict among farmers and herders, indigenes and settlers. It has led to growing unemployment and hence deepening poverty, which is bound to aggravate the pervasive insecurity in the area. People live in segregated communities, and in perpetual fear and mistrust of the other, which stalls development. Tourism that hitherto was the main stay of the State’s economy is almost dead, because people are afraid of going to the State, despite its beauty and serenity.

There have been failures in the past in tackling this mayhem. The state government has failed to be firm with criminals and to ensure the punishment of the guilty. This lack of law enforcement has led to growing impunity and the recurrent resort to self-help. More so, there have been the poor security architecture and human resources to respond to the attacks, coupled by the lack of political will to implement the recommendations in the reports of the various judicial panels of enquiry set up to study the different manifestations of the crisis. There has equally been the gross inability to rein in hate preachers and other ethnic bigots, who are spreading hatred in a community with pervasive poverty, drug abuse and religious narrow-mindedness. Many locals have accused the Federal Government, which is in charge of the security agencies, of failing to secure the lives and property of the people, whilst a number of people accuse the security agents of complicity in the conflict .

The unending crisis in Jos North Local Government Area and Plateau State is an offshoot of the ‘indigene/ settler’ problem. This archaic situation, which has largely disappeared in many modern societies, assumes that indigenous groups need to control power and resources in a particular place, like a state or local government, to the exclusion of migrants. This kind of situation naturally gives rise to protests, unhealthy rivalries, and competition for political space, which then results in acrimony and violence. Presently, the crisis requires both local and national solutions. We should also take a second look at our constitutional provisions regarding the concept of ‘indigeniety’. This term is ambiguous. We can replace it with ‘residency’, whereby living in a particular place for a specific period automatically confers absolute residency rights on an individual, as it is obtainable in most modern societies.

The Jos crisis mirrors the situation in the country. The area is a microcosm of today’s Nigeria, where mutual distrust, fuelled by ethnic jingoism and religious bigotry, lay bare our sectional fault lines. It seems that no value is placed on human life anywhere in the country at the moment, and we have become a nation beyond shock.

Nigerian history is replete with indigene-settler conflicts. However, the country is currently experiencing widespread intercommunal strife in a way that has never been seen before in our chequered history. Ethnic champions and religious extremists have stolen the limelight and are currently in control of the conversation. These divisions are predominant in the North-Central geopolitical zone of the country, which is home to several minority groups and where no religion is dominant. It is a region that serves as a bridge between the mainly Muslim northern section of the country and the majority Christian south.

The Jos crisis mirrors the situation in the country. The area is a microcosm of today’s Nigeria, where mutual distrust, fuelled by ethnic jingoism and religious bigotry, lay bare our sectional fault lines. It seems that no value is placed on human life anywhere in the country at the moment, and we have become a nation beyond shock.

All levels of governments must rise to their responsibilities in times of crisis. Incendiary speeches are the last thing we need from religious and political leaders. ‘Politically correct’ public speeches are equally not enough. Tangible political action against instigators and perpetrators of violence and wanton killings is needed. There are no records of subsequent prosecution in rare cases where we see pictures of people arrested for instigating or perpetrating violence. This anomaly gives room for impunity, which continues to feed the violence.

The Plateau State governor, Simon Lalong, from conversations I had with people in Jos, seems to have been deft and proactive in handling the tension in the State; starting from running an inclusive government to continuous engagement with all stakeholders. The government under Lalong has established a peace building agency, a standing inter-religious council, and other institutions that facilitate peace. An early warning system, established with the support of France and USA, is in place. The state government has given massive support to security agencies, with a Commissioner of Police, CP Edward Egbuka who has shown courage and leadership. A good number of legislative frameworks have also been put in place, such as the law on land grabbing, the anti-kidnapping law, the bill on ranching, amongst others. While some stakeholders accuse him of serving only indigenous communities, another more vocal section depicts him as if he is in cahoots with the so-called ‘Fulani oligarchy’. His support for the Anti-Open Grazing Law passed by the State House of Assembly is interpreted by some as a sign of hostility towards the Fulani people. On a final note, Plateau State is strategic to our national cohesion. It is a melting pot of ethnic, religious, political, economic and cultural forces, that are at play in the nation. To that extent, the management of the frequent crises and eruptions in the State require the full deployment of the instruments of federal and state powers.

First is the requirement of economic amelioration through negotiating the farmer-herder relations through inter-ethnic conciliation. Second is the establishment of an interfaith mechanism for the early resolution of frictions. Third would be the stationing of security and law enforcement units along the critical flash points.

The state government needs to adopt better diversity management strategies to reassure all residents of their safety, irrespective of ethnicity, faith or origination. We hope to see a return to a plateau that is the home of peace.

Dakuku Peterside is a policy and leadership expert.